A start at Sattahip

The position of the LTTE with regard to its territorial demands, as articulated at the talks, represents a change in tone, not in substance. It has only set out broad and clearly marked boundaries for the conflict resolution process.

"The LTTE does not operate in the concept of a separate state. We operate on concepts and categories entirely different from what you assume to be a separate state. We operate on the concept of homeland and self-determination. Homeland does not mean separate state as such. It means a state where the Tamil and the Muslim people live." "When we use the concept of self-determination, the concept entails substantial autonomy or self-government in the historical areas where we live. That position can be worked out if both the parties agree to a particular political system or model."

Anton Stanislaus Balasingham, chief negotiator, LTTE, Sattahip Talks, September 18.

THERE were no great expectations when the Sattahip talks between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) started on September 16 at Thailand's naval headquarters.

Yet, two days later, on September 18, there was euphoria all around. At the Ambassador Hotel in Jomtien, about 30 km from the Sattahip Naval Base, the LTTE's chief negotiator, Anton Balasingham, sent Sri Lanka into heady delight when he said that separation was only a means of last resort. For an event from which nothing much was expected, this elaboration on the Tigers' latest position came as a straw worth clutching at. It was, as a fellow-journalist in Colombo remarked, a media coup by the Tigers.

For, at the end of the day, the September 18 statement did not really mark anything new. In fact, it was Balasingham himself who made it clear that there was no change in the LTTE's position and that it was consistent with the Tigers' cause all along.

What indeed was different was the tone, which was clearer. In contrast to the earlier enunciations that an alternative to a separate Eelam would be considered, Balasingham spelt out, very broadly what that alternative would be. It would be "regional autonomy" with "self-governance".

The outcome of Sattahip is that the Tigers, who entered the talks from a position of military advantage, have now fired the first political salvo as well. From now, the conflict resolution process will go along a political track, as long as these negotiations hold. However, to term it a renunciation of the rebel fight for a separate state, or even a scaling down of positions, would be premature.

Rather than go by conjectures, just take Balasingham's word for it: "If our demand for regional autonomy and self-governance is rejected and if conditions of oppression continue, then as a last resort our people have no option other than to fight for political independence and statehood. That will be the last resort."

This has been the position of the Tamil militants all along. What makes it different now is that the LTTE has said so right at the start of the talks. By doing so, it has set out broad and clearly marked boundaries for the conflict resolution process. The statement also, as in the past, puts the ball in the government's court, leaving it to come up with an alternative to a separate Eelam. The marginal difference is that Colombo now has time to come up with a political model that incorporates principles of regional autonomy and self-governance. In a way, this is what gives the handle for further rounds of negotiations.

THE Sattahip talks started with a matter-of-fact ceremony. Expectations ran high in the media. The 5,000-room luxury hotel, where the opening ceremony took place, had no signs of a historic event waiting to happen. Uniformed Thai Naval guards took position, screening journalists entering the venue. Sniffer-dogs and metal detectors completed the scene.

Just a day before, the venue wore an air of informality. Members of the Sri Lankan delegation took time off to engage the media in informal discussions. The message was that nothing much should be expected. This was also the idea conveyed by Erik Solheim, Oslo's special envoy for the Sri Lankan peace process.

It was with this build-up that at 10-35 a.m. (9-05 IST) the curtains went up on the Sattahip Talks. The Tigers took centre stage, literally; on the dais, the facilitators, Norway and the Sri Lankan delegation flanked them. There were no flags on display and no national anthems were played. For an event which in itself was seen as symbolic, there were no appurtenances on show.

Gamini Lakshman Peiris, the head of Colombo's delegation, spelt out the state's position: "In determining the parameters of the talks, there are some elements rudimentary in quality which cannot but be constant. These represent the irreducible foundation of what we care for and believe in. We stand unwaveringly for the amplest degree of devolution and for the establishment and strengthening of institutions designed to achieve this purpose. But these reforms must necessarily be effected within the framework of a state whose unity and territorial integrity is ensured in fact and in law by the envisioned structures."

Prof. Peiris' position, especially when he said that unity and territorial integrity must be ensured "in fact and in law'' comes at a time when the Tigers have in place in areas under their control, complete administrative, judicial and law and order systems, however rudimentary they may be.

Touching upon sensitive political issues the apprehensions expressed by the Sinhala and Muslim communities in the north and east Peiris said: "All parties should take cognisance of the need to ensure the safety, security and identity of these communities as well and the protection and advancement of their political, social, economic and cultural rights."

The other important context that was taken note of in the inaugural address by Colombo was the more immediate concerns regarding resettlement and rehabilitation. "In order to arrive at a durable peace," Peiris said, "it is imperative that steps should be taken for the resettlement, rehabilitation and reintegration of all displaced persons in their original areas with honour, dignity, assurance of personal safety and adequate reparation. Such measures would demonstrate our commitment to pluralism and mutual accommodation."

Balasingham in his speech was categorical that the Tigers should be given a leading and pivotal role in running the administration of the northeast. "The LTTE is the legitimate and authentic representative of the Tamil people. We have lived, fought and suffered with and for our people throughout the turbulent times of the war. We have a comprehensive knowledge of the socio-economic needs confronting the Tamil people. We have built an effective administrative structure for more than 10 years which has sustained the social cohesion and law and order. Therefore, it is crucial that the LTTE should play a leading and pivotal role in administration as well as the economic development of the northeast," he said.

"The deepest aspiration of our people," Balasingham said, "is peace, a peace with justice and freedom; a permanent peace in which our people enjoy their right to self-determination and co-exist with others." The Tigers, therefore, entered the negotiations without conceding a point.

Moreover, when the talks started, a key question remained unanswered: have the Tigers given up violence and the claim for a separate Tamil Eelam?

Though Balasingham's speech made no mention of Tamil Eelam the cause for which the rebels took to arms over two decades ago there were ample indications that the cause was far from forgotten. "The northern and eastern (part) of Sri Lanka'' was referred to as the "homeland of the Tamils and Muslims". A nuance in this statement is that it indicates a change from the past, when the Tigers drove out Muslims from the north. However, if one were to look for more clear indications, they were lacking.

The use of "Sri Lanka" was restricted to referring to Ministers and the "leaders of the government'' but when it came to the larger context, it was just "the island''. For instance, Balasingham concluded his speech by stating that peace and stability were the foundations on which the economic prosperity of "the island" can be built. The negotiations, he said, should strive to usher in prosperity to "all peoples of the island".

The closest that the Tigers came to answering this crucial question that political separation was a means of last resort has been the position of the Tamil militants all through.

The talks progressed for two days along predicted lines. The more immediate issues resettlement and rehabilitation were taken up for discussion. Midway during the talks, the Norwegians termed it "frank and constructive". The two delegations went on first name terms and a much-required familiarity was achieved.

Peiris told journalists during the talks that "substantial progress" was made in the first round of talks and that it "had exceeded his own expectations". As expected, the talks were held behind closed doors and the details of the proceedings were kept under wraps.

None of the core issues was taken up for detailed discussion, but they were touched upon to the extent of setting out the broad boundaries of solutions that the two sides envisage. Norway termed the talks a "promising start, practical steps for peace". "The two immediate priorities of the parties are: stepping up humanitarian mine action and accelerating resettlement and rehabilitation of internally displaced persons," the Norwegians said.

In concrete terms Sattahip saw two agreements: a joint committee to deal with issues relating to high security zones and a joint task force for humanitarian and reconstruction activity. The joint committee on high security zones would work towards enabling the return of the internally displaced people and consist of military representatives from both sides, including military personnel. The joint task force will constitute a partnership between the government and the LTTE and will have responsibility for the identification, financing and monitoring of urgent humanitarian and reconstruction activity in the north.

The most significant message from Sattahip was the requirement of international financial support for the peace process. This does not come as a surprise because economic compulsions weigh heavily on the Sri Lankan state. The economic imperatives are significant, especially given the backdrop that most of Sri Lanka's donors have linked financial backing to the resolution of the conflict.

Any evaluation of the Sattahip Talks would be incomplete without reckoning its implications for the bipartisan politics of the south. The ruling United National Party (UNP) has staked its all on the peace process. Even before the elections, the party had said that it would engage the Tigers. However, it is also the political reality that it will have to run a political cohabitation government with President Chandrika Kumaratunga, who heads the Opposition People's Alliance (P.A.). In their respective approaches to conflict resolution, the two parties are like chalk and cheese. The P.A.'s approach has been to engage the Tigers militarily and force them into negotiations, while the UNP has, historically, taken an approach of containment of the Tigers and management of the conflict. The UNP's reasoning has been directed by the thinking that the situation in the north and the east must not be allowed to affect the situation in the south, especially its economy. Hence the readiness to engage with the Tigers as long as there is a peace dividend for the south.

In this backdrop, Sattahip could have the political implication of strengthening the UNP further. As the talks have been held just before December 5 the date on which the President completes one year in office and will be free to dissolve Parliament at any point after that the outcome of Sattahip is bound to make the UNP more confident of a possible fresh mandate.

However, Kumaratunga has ruled out fresh elections and has said that she will not dissolve Parliament as long as the government enjoys a majority or an alternative government cannot be formed in the same House. Undeterred, the UNP has gone ahead with a constitutional amendment that is aimed at clipping the President's powers to dissolve Parliament after a year. The coming weeks are bound to see the politics of the south emerge centre stage and its possible consequences on the negotiations.

The President's office has welcomed the Sattahip Talks and has said that it would give a detailed comment after studying the details. There is a subtle understanding that the peace efforts need to be given the maximum space. This is also because in this stage of elation, no one wants to be seen as a spoiler of the efforts aimed at resolving South Asia's intractable decades-long civil conflict.