Shankar Rajee, 55, is a founder-member of the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation (EROS), one of the earliest militant groups. He had his initial training with the Palestinian movement and was a member of the executive committee of the EROS. Rajee, who was in charge of the EROS' military affairs until 1987, is involved in the current developments to resolve the Tamil national question.
On the distance travelled by Tamil militant nationalism:
There is no comparison between the initial stage and now. Earlier, an accumulation of various grievances culminated in a situation in which a majority Tamils felt there was a need for an inevitable separation of forces. This was between the early 1970s and 1983, which marked a big transformation owing to the involvement of India.
The dream of Tamil nationalism then was to see a Bangladesh in Sri Lanka, to be used where we thought there were mutual interests.
This went on till the 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement. I and the general Tamil leadership at that time believed, accepted and trusted the Indian leaders, particularly the late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, to resolve the Tamil problem through the Agreement and a Provincial Council system. We felt India would be the guarantor for its fair implementation. This is where the transformation started taking place.
I have gone on record saying that I do not to see a zero presence of the Indian Army in the island. I thought this would give the Tamils an experience in using federalism as a tool in resolving this issue. Of course, a big transformation took place when India announced that it was pulling out its troops. This was a decisive moment for Tamil national militants: to abandon guerrilla warfare - where terrorism also played a part, though not the only means - and join the democratic mainstream.
The Thimpu talks was perhaps the only time when the entire Tamil national movement was united in a single forum and we enunciated the Thimpu Principles. Subsequently, the LTTE was singled out to be the sole representative and brought to the Bangalore talks, which gave the early ideas to the LTTE that it could represent the Tamil community on its own. This is one of the big problems we face today - the LTTE trying to claim this status even through political assassinations and elimination of other groups and parties.
On the impact of the Karuna-led split in the LTTE:
There is not a great deal of difference between a Wanni Tiger and a Karuna Tiger. I am also worried and concerned about the forces which would try to weaken the Tamil national movement using the `K factor'.
Karuna's set of grievances of discrimination is a serious political problem and nothing new to Tamil nationalism. Even during the days of Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (Federal Party), these feelings of regional inequality existed. I regard it as a genuine concern of the people of the east. This would have to be addressed, discussed and democratic solutions found. It is not to be regarded as - as the LTTE says - `a one-man problem' or as one that can be solved by eliminating a few of Karuna's lieutenants or by driving him out of the eastern province. I doubt if the LTTE, in its present form, has the means to address this problem in a democratic manner.
On the path ahead for Tamil nationalism:The Tamil national movement has to learn to accommodate democracy, pluralism, tolerance and values, which free nations cherish.
On the Oslo formulation and the LTTE's position:
It is something the LTTE seems to have accepted, but is trying to wriggle out from. A solution within the framework of federalism in any form, and genuine will on the part of the government to implement such a formula will have to be the way forward.
On the change in the Sinhala polity since the advent of Tamil militancy:
There has never been a spontaneous change on the part of the Sinhala nationalists. It has always been forced by various circumstances. Perhaps it is also imperative that we accept that Prabakaran never openly settles for anything less than Tamil Eelam. Hence any solution would have to be termed interim.
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