In a wide-ranging interview with Frontline, Sunil Tatkare, the Nationalist Congress Party’s (NCP) Maharashtra unit chief and a close confidant of Deputy Chief Minister and party leader Ajit Pawar, forecasts a dramatic reversal of his alliance’s fortunes in the upcoming Assembly election. Despite the Mahayuti’s (as the National Democratic Alliance is known in Maharashtra) disappointing performance in the recent Lok Sabha election, where the BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP alliance secured only 17 seats compared to the rival Maha Vikas Aghadi’s (MVA) 31, Tatkare argues that key government initiatives and shifting political narratives have transformed Maharashtra’s electoral landscape.
The veteran politician, who defected from Sharad Pawar’s camp, dismisses concerns about Maratha reservations and industrial exodus while expressing confidence in securing an “absolute majority” through improved vote transfer between alliance partners and strategic regional consolidation. His optimism, however, will soon be tested as Maharashtra prepares for a crucial electoral battle that pits former allies against each other, most notably in Baramati’s high-stakes “Pawar versus Pawar” contest. Excerpts:
How do you view Maharashtra’s current political situation? Your alliance, the Mahayuti, won only 17 seats in the Lok Sabha election, while the MVA secured 31 seats. What has changed in these four months?
The situation has changed drastically, and I say this with conviction. During the parliamentary election, several factors worked against the NDA in Maharashtra. However, since then, various initiatives have transformed the State’s political atmosphere: the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana, infrastructure projects, agricultural programmes, electricity subsidies for farmers, and other policy decisions. I’m confident we’ll retain power in Maharashtra.
You are confident about retaining power, but what about the Maratha reservation issue? Earlier, there was talk about Maratha leader Manoj Jarange-Patil withdrawing from the election. How do you assess the situation, particularly in your party’s strongholds of Western Maharashtra and Marathwada?
I prefer not to comment specifically on the Maratha reservation issue or Mr Manoj Jarange-Patil’s political stance. However, I can say that the overall situation has improved significantly across all regions—Vidarbha, Marathwada, Western Maharashtra, North Maharashtra, Konkan, and Mumbai—compared to the parliamentary election.
So you do not expect the Maratha issue to have as severe an impact on the Assembly election as it did in the parliamentary election?
That’s correct. Many developments have occurred since the parliamentary election. In Assembly elections, voters consider both party alignment and each MLA’s development work in their constituency. Under Chief Minister Eknath Shinde’s leadership, MLAs from all parties—BJP, NCP, and Shiv Sena—have performed exceptionally well in their constituencies. While there might be some anti-incumbency sentiment, development work generally yields positive electoral results. Furthermore, the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana has garnered support from 60-70 per cent of women across party lines.
‘Absolute Majority for Mahayuti’-Sunil Tatkare Exclusive Interview | Maharashtra Politics 2024
You are saying the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana will be a game-changer?
Absolutely, it is a game-changer.
The difference between your alliance and the MVA in the Lok Sabha was just 6,00,000 votes—about 1.5 per cent. You believe this single scheme can overcome that gap?
The political narrative has shifted significantly. During the parliamentary election, the MVA campaign focuSsed on “saving the Constitution” nationwide and in Maharashtra. That narrative has now lost its relevance for the State election. Our recent Jan Samman Yatra with Ajit Pawar has received an overwhelming response across Maharashtra.
I’ve seen this change firsthand—in my own parliamentary constituency, where I won despite unfavourable predictions, the atmosphere is markedly different now. During the parliamentary election, every survey predicted my defeat, yet I won by a margin of 82,000 votes. The political climate has transformed considerably since then.
Also Read | During Uddhav Thackeray’s tenure, many had to leave Mumbai–he needs to answer for that: Ashish Shelar
Let us discuss something that Deputy Chief Ministers Devendra Fadnavis and Ajit Pawar acknowledged: three issues that hurt the Mahayuti during the Lok Sabha election were the prices of cotton, soybean, and onion. Have you successfully addressed these concerns?
Yes, we’ve definitely addressed these issues. The export ban has been lifted, and onion prices have improved significantly for farmers. For soybean, the government’s procurement at minimum support prices is underway. In just four months, the situation has changed—farmers are now busy with their agricultural produce and are satisfied with the State government’s decisions, supported by the Central government. The issues that the MVA previously highlighted have largely subsided.
Turning to another issue: MVA opposition leaders frequently criticise what they call an industrial exodus to Gujarat, claiming major projects are leaving Maharashtra. How do you respond to this criticism?
This is entirely a false narrative created by the MVA. Statistics show Maharashtra leads in industrial investment, including foreign investment and domestic industrial development. Take the B1 port project—it will be the country’s leading port after JNPT [Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust in Nhava Sheva near Mumbai], creating over 1,00,000 direct and indirect jobs. The infrastructure projects undertaken by the Mahayuti government have transformed Maharashtra significantly. Like their “Save Constitution” campaign, this is another baseless narrative when the reality shows continued investment and ongoing projects in Maharashtra.
There is persistent criticism that Mumbai’s importance is being diminished under BJP rule, particularly under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah, given their Gujarat background. How do you respond to this, considering Mumbai’s significant 60 seats (36 in Mumbai city and 24 in the suburbs)?
I completely disagree with that assessment. Look at the infrastructure development in Mumbai over the last two and a half years: the Atal Setu, the Coastal Road, and significant changes across the city. The Metro’s first and second phases, which were stalled during the MVA government, are now operational. How can anyone blame Modi and Shah when the Central government has approved all these projects—the Atal Setu, coastal highway, and Metro? They’ve supported Mumbai’s development. This is just another false narrative.
“I can tell you with confidence that our strike rate will be the highest in Maharashtra. We may be contesting around 55-56 seats, but we’ll make them count.”
Talking about politics: your party split from Sharad Pawar, joined the government, and is now in alliance with others. There was talk of contesting 80 seats, but now you are down to around 55. Do you feel shortchanged in this alliance’s seat-sharing arrangement?
In any alliance, seat adjustments are natural. In Mahayuti, the BJP has about 115 seats (105 plus 10 through allies), Shinde’s group has 40 plus their allies, and we have 43 seats with some additional arrangements. There were clear limitations on seat distribution.
So you are comfortable with the reduced number of seats?
I can tell you with confidence that our strike rate will be the highest in Maharashtra. We may be contesting around 55-56 seats, but we’ll make them count.
There are concerns about rebels from Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena opposing your candidates. How do you view this situation?
This affects only one or two constituencies, and some rebels have already withdrawn their candidature. Similar situations exist in both alliances: the MVA has parallel candidates with Sharad Pawar’s and Uddhav Thackeray’s symbols, as well as Congress and Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates. These challenges aren’t unique to us.
During the Lok Sabha election, your alliance faced criticism about vote transfer issues between partners—BJP to NCP, NCP to BJP, and NCP to Shiv Sena. Have you addressed this concern?
Yes, we’ve worked on this extensively over the last four months. After thorough discussions, we’ve made significant improvements. You’ll see a different picture this time.
Maratha reservation activist Manoj Jarange-Patil, in Mumbai on October 19, 2023. Tatkare believes that he did not expect the issue to have as severe an impact on the Assembly election as it did in the 2024 parliamentary election. | Photo Credit: PTI
You are confident about this for the Assembly election, despite having more rebels?
Look, I’ll share my personal experience. I succeeded in getting BJP votes, which was previously considered impossible. While I’ve traditionally relied on Shiv Sena votes, I also managed to secure support through Eknath Shinde’s influence—though not 100 per cent.
The Baramati contest—Pawar versus Pawar—will be a crucial battle. How do you see it playing out?
It will be one-sided. People’s sentiments are clear this time.
What about Pune district?
We’ll perform better than before. We’re contesting in rural areas, including Bhor, where we had a presence when the NCP was united. We expect to improve upon our 2009 performance in the Pune district.
Also Read | My focus for the election is jobs: Aaditya Thackeray
Western Maharashtra has traditionally been your party’s stronghold. How do you see its political landscape evolving?
The situation in Western Maharashtra is very different from the last parliamentary election. Take the example of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj’s election in Kolhapur.
Can you elaborate on what happened with Shahu Maharaj? He’s currently the MP.
Yes, but consider today’s developments. His daughter-in-law received the official Congress candidature. Look at Satish Patil’s reaction—I’ve known him for 20 years, and I’ve never seen him so disturbed. He wasn’t even informed about the withdrawal of the former Congress official candidate. This shows the internal discord.
So these political manoeuvres will help you in the election?
It’s not about manoeuvres—it’s about the situation itself. The Congress is facing internal conflicts in every constituency. While there are some concerns in Baramati, there are other significant developments, like Harshwardhan Patil joining the NCP, and recent changes in Indapur. These shifts are meaningful.
Out of your [NCP’s] 51 seats, what is your prediction?
We’ll achieve the highest strike rate in the NCP’s history.
Finally, where do you see Mahayuti landing, given you currently have 225 MLAs with a clear majority?
With a clear-cut majority: an absolute majority for the Mahayuti.
