In this edition of Frontline Conversations, former Maharashtra Women and Child Development Minister Aditi Tatkare discusses how the Ladki Bahin scheme, which provided direct cash transfers to 2.35 crore women, transformed both the economic landscape and political dynamics of the State. The programme, which distributed Rs.7,500 across five instalments to women earning less than Rs. 2.5 lakh annually, not only empowered women with financial independence but also proved to be a decisive factor in Mahayuti’s electoral victory, marking a shift in Maharashtra’s traditionally male-dominated political sphere. Excerpts:
The Eknath Shinde government launched the Ladki Bahin (beloved sister) scheme, which influenced the prospects of Mahayuti (National Democratic Alliance) in Maharashtra during the Assembly election, leading to the BJP-led Mahayuti’s decisive victory. As the driving force behind the Ladki Bahin scheme [as Women and Child Development Minister], how do you feel about its role in securing your return to power?
It’s a remarkable opportunity for any first-time Minister or MLA to work on such an influential scheme focussed on women’s empowerment. I’m grateful to have implemented this initiative under the guidance of the Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Ministers. While any department could have managed this program, the Women and Child Development Department was particularly well-suited given our existing infrastructure and personnel network that reaches every household. Our direct access to women across the State proved invaluable in the scheme’s successful implementation.
Data shows that approximately 2.35 crore women have received Rs.7,500 across five instalments. The Mahayuti coalition secured 3.36 crore votes, up from 2.55 crore votes in the Lok Sabha election. Would you say this single scheme helped attract an additional 50 lakh voters?
Women have always been integral to society, but their role hasn’t been adequately acknowledged until now. The Mahayuti government implemented several women-centric initiatives: 50 per cent concession in public transport fares, the Ladki scheme for newborn girls, and educational programs for women pursuing higher education. This was the first time women felt valued beyond their votes. During my travels across the state to oversee the scheme’s implementation, I witnessed genuine enthusiasm among women who felt recognised as essential stakeholders in governance, not just during elections. Traditionally, men have dominated political discourse and family voting decisions. This initiative marked a shift, acknowledging women’s importance in both administrative and electoral contexts. We had identified our target demographic of 2.5 crore women, considering that approximately half of Maharashtra’s female population of 5 crore falls below the annual income threshold of Rs.2.5 lakh. Our primary focus was maximising our reach to eligible beneficiaries.
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There are 4.60 crore women voters in Maharashtra, of which 2.5 crore was your target. You have reached approximately 2.35 crore, about 95 per cent. What challenges did you face in reaching such a vast number of women across the State within just three months? The scheme was announced on June 28, and the Model Code of Conduct came into effect on October 12. How did you manage this extensive outreach?
We had been developing the women’s policy for an extended period before launching it in late December-January—our fourth women’s policy. While the educated and administratively engaged segments understand policy implications, rural women often lack awareness about policies and their long-term impact. This policy wasn’t developed in just 18 months; it was the result of three to four years of work.
As a department, we established guidelines for every government department to develop women-focussed initiatives. We provided specific indicators for various departments—Environment, Transport, Education, and Women and Child Development—regarding their roles in women’s participation and development.
After launching the scheme on June 28, implementation began within three days. We remained responsive to feedback after the initial government resolution was issued, incorporating suggestions to ensure effective ground-level implementation. Our first month’s promotion was highly successful, reaching even the most remote beneficiaries. We achieved over one crore registrations in the first month, which gave us confidence to pursue the remaining 1.5 crore target.
We focussed on Aadhaar seeding and ensuring women had individual bank accounts, not joint accounts, to maintain direct benefit transfer. Women actively participated by opening their own accounts. When our departmental staff wasn’t sufficient, we collaborated with other departments. We utilised Gram Sevaks from the Rural Development Department and ASHA workers from the Health Department for their detailed women’s data, and in cities, where we had fewer anganwadi workers, we engaged data operators, ward officers, and Seva Suvidha Kendra staff.
How did you manage the challenge of transferring such massive amounts—approximately Rs.5,000 crore per instalment—to nearly 2.5 crore accounts?
We streamlined the process by working with a single parent bank rather than multiple regional banks. A committee under the Chief Secretary made all administrative decisions, drawing from years of experience in benefit distribution. We implemented efficient filters for beneficiary identification; for instance, K3 and yellow card holders below the Rs.1 lakh income threshold were automatically sorted.
The annual income threshold was Rs.2.5 lakh, correct?
Yes, and cardholders below Rs.1 lakh income were automatically sorted based on existing data from food and civil supply schemes. Once the initial direct benefit transfer was complete for this section, we focussed on the remaining 1.5 crore beneficiaries. This systematic approach enabled us to implement the scheme successfully within three months.
There were two main criticisms. First, you approved all applications with an eye on the Assembly election. How do you respond to that? Did you strictly follow the eligibility criteria?
We prioritised Aadhaar seeding for bank accounts to ensure future benefits. If electoral advantage was our sole focus, we would have accepted joint accounts rather than insisting on individual accounts for women. We provided adequate time for document submission, including school certificates and birth certificates, and extended the registration period from July to August to avoid panic. The scrutiny process was thorough, from the ground level to the collector level before reaching the department. Our target was 2.5 crore beneficiaries, and we reached 2.34 crore. If we weren’t following proper verification, we would have easily exceeded our target. Moreover, this is an ongoing scheme that continues beyond elections, demonstrating our long-term commitment to implementation and improvement.
Former State Minister for Women and Child Development Aditi Tatkare with former Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde and former State Deputy Chief Ministers Devendra Fadnavis and Ajit Pawar during the launch of the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana in Pune on August 17. | Photo Credit: ANI
The second criticism was that elections were postponed from October to November to allow two instalments to be deposited directly into accounts. Your response?
If that were our intention, we could have distributed instalments within two or three months. The government’s tenure was scheduled until November 26, and everyone knew the election would be around October or November. Our final instalment was disbursed around October 9, before the code of conduct announcement. This timeline aligns with previous election cycles: five years ago, the code of conduct was announced in late September with October voting, as the previous government was formed in November.
Then Chief Minister Eknath Shinde announced the amount would increase to Rs.2,100. How do you see the next government implementing this?
While we’re committed to increasing the amount, as mentioned in both the NCP and Mahayuti manifestos, I believe we should focus on improving the existing implementation. Beyond increasing the amount from Rs.1,500 to Rs.2,100, we should prioritise financial education for women, especially in rural areas. Unfortunately, during the initial three-month implementation period, we couldn’t focus on this aspect. Moving forward, we should focus on teaching women how to utilise these funds effectively for long-term benefits, aligning with the scheme’s original intentions.
So that will be your next challenge?
Yes, I believe whoever leads the department should focus on financial education for women, teaching them how to utilise these funds for long-term benefits.
You say “whoever leads the department”—do you not expect to retain this portfolio?
It’s difficult to say. As a first-term Minister, implementing such a massive scheme has been challenging, and I’m fortunate to have received support from all three leaders to execute it effectively. While I would welcome the opportunity to continue, these decisions rest with senior leadership. Regardless of my role, I’ll use this experience to promote women’s empowerment and education.
Tell us about the responses you received while travelling across the State during implementation and campaigning. How did women react in your constituency and others?
The response was overwhelmingly positive. Women’s participation in campaigning was remarkable. This was the first time they were brought to the forefront in a traditionally male-dominated society. Usually, women are expected to follow family decisions, but this scheme made them central to electoral politics. All political parties, whether Mahayuti or Maha Vikas Aghadi, had to focus on women voters because they recognised their importance in the electoral process.
Would you say this scheme has developed a distinct women’s electorate in Maharashtra?
The scheme has boosted women’s confidence and reinforced their importance in society. It’s demonstrated that forming any government is impossible without giving equal importance to women.
Many survey agencies underplayed the scheme’s importance during the election, but it’s now clear that Ladki Bahin was the decisive factor in returning the Mahayuti to power. Could you share some specific experiences?
From the first direct benefit transfer, we witnessed numerous success stories. Women started small businesses, formed self-help groups, and opened their own bank accounts. During campaigning, women spoke confidently about how the monthly Rs.1,500 provided psychological strength, especially in rural areas. For single women, particularly, having their own savings account created a new sense of independence. Women across all communities—Hindu, Muslim, and others—expressed gratitude. Outside my constituency, women would come just to thank someone from the government who launched this scheme. These responses confirmed the profound positive impact we had hoped for when launching the initiative.
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The MVA promised Rs.3,000 per month. Why do you think voters didn’t accept their promise?
Their initial criticism of the scheme undermined their credibility. You can’t maintain contradictory positions; people see through that. They first criticised the scheme, claiming it wouldn’t be implemented, telling people not to fill forms, arguing the government couldn’t bear the financial burden, and dismissing it as an election gimmick. Then, three months before elections, they changed their stance. By then, women had already received five months of direct benefits. Maharashtra’s citizens are educated and discerning; they understand the inconsistency in criticising a Rs.1,500 scheme as financially unsustainable while promising Rs.3,000. Had MVA supported the scheme from the beginning or remained neutral, their campaign promise might have been more credible.
My final question concerns finances. Nearly Rs.17,000 crore have been deposited over five months, projecting to around Rs.40,000 crore against a budgetary provision of Rs.46,000 crore. How will the State sustain this? Now that the election is over, how do you manage this economically?
First, the Rs.40,000-46,000 crore figure represents the annual budget, not monthly expenditure. Moreover, Maharashtra ranks among the top three states in GST contribution, with approximately Rs.31,000 crore recently. When such schemes are launched, they stimulate financial circulation across various sectors. Let me share a personal experience: small shopkeepers in a taluka market in my constituency would ask about the next DBT date, not because their families were beneficiaries, but because their businesses flourished the day after disbursements.
So it’s increasing spending capacity and generating demand?
Exactly. When women receive money, they either spend it on themselves, their families, or start small businesses. Either way, it enters the market, creating economic circulation. This is why financial literacy for women is crucial—we need to connect these dots properly to ensure the scheme’s long-term sustainability while maintaining the state’s financial health.
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