The Supreme Court’s ruling on the subclassification of Scheduled Castes has set off discussion about heterogeneity among Dalits. In Tamil Nadu, Raees Mohammed has long been documenting this diversity. His research paper, “The Many Omissions of a Concept: Discrimination amongst Scheduled Castes” was cited in a footnote of the recent Supreme Court verdict. Raees holds a PhD from English and Foreign Languages University and was a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Southampton.
Raees belongs to the Arunthathiyar caste, a Scheduled Caste in Tamil Nadu, and resides in the town of Kotagiri. After leaving academia, Raees founded Kotagiri Septic Tank Cleaning Services in 2021 to improve working conditions for Arunthathiyars in this field. He also created Dalit Camera, a platform that provides context to news and shares stories from the perspectives of Dalits, Adivasis, Bahujans, Muslims, and other marginalised groups. In an exclusive interview with Frontline, he discusses the Supreme Court verdict and explains why he considers it a groundbreaking decision. Excerpts:
What do you think the Supreme Court verdict on subclassification accomplishes?
The anti-caste discourse here [Tamil Nadu] has usually been about issues between BCs and SCs. I travelled across Tamil Nadu for my research and Dalit Camera and realised that there isn’t much space to talk about the heterogeneity among Dalits. Across India, Tamil Nadu is the only State where an internal SC quota currently exists [with a 3 per cent reservation for Arunthathiyars].
But even in Tamil Nadu, while Arunthathiyars talk about how Paraiyars do not articulate their demands, they [Arunthathiyars] won’t speak on the issues of other Dalits left out. Elsewhere, Mahars won’t talk about the issues of Mangs, and Chamars won’t speak about Valmiki issues. As the Supreme Court verdict concluded that there is heterogeneity among Dalits, it will help to begin articulating the differences and demands of each community. Thus, it is revolutionary.
When you say heterogeneity, what kind of differences exist along the caste lines among Dalits in Tamil Nadu?
When someone from the Paraiyar or Devendra caste (both categorised as Scheduled Castes) addresses us as a Chakkiliyar (the community prefers Arunthathiyar), it is to establish that we are ranked lower than them in the caste hierarchy; that is the heterogeneity I am talking about. From our occupations to the food we eat, the location of our hamlets in each village and the burial grounds is different from that of other SCs. Some might call it cultural differences.
However, when I say differences, it is not based on class relations. It is based on caste. One mistake some academicians have been making is calling the various castes among SCs as “sub-castes”. That’s erasure, and a discussion about inequalities within SCs remains suppressed when you term it as “sub-caste”. Some of us have been fighting that. Now, we have a judgement to prove the heterogeneity.
Do you not think having a unified front, as Dalits, has helped in asserting identity and articulating issues?
A few weeks before the Supreme Court order of August 1, some Devandra caste persons killed an Arunthathiyar youngster in Tamil Nadu over a relationship. I still cannot comprehend the hatred and brutality behind the beheading of Alagendran (Aruppukottai, Tamil Nadu, in June 2024). The incident should have become a national issue, but it didn’t. Recently, some members of the Bhim Army attacked a Valmiki youngster for supporting subclassification.
When a BC attacks an Arunthathiyar person, there is considerable debate. But when a Dalit caste attacks Arunthathiyar, it doesn’t become a district issue even. I don’t see a difference between a caste Hindu attacking us or another Dalit caste attacking us (Arunthathiyars). And in the latter, we cannot speak about it or bring attention to it.
But is subcategorisation a panacea to the inequalities among Dalits?
What happens is each community has its demands, which, when met, people leave the anti-caste discourse behind. Political empowerment comes from being represented in administrative services, bureaucracy, and academia. The Janardhan Committee report (2008) revealed that out of 32 civil SC servants, only one was Arunthathiyar. Subclassification is revolutionary because it will begin addressing the disparities. It’s not the end, but it is a crucial starting point.
Also, Arunthathiyars are present in much smaller numbers in Karnataka and Kerala. Most of them don’t have an identity or citizenship on par with other SCs in those states. Subclassification can redress this aspect, too.
Raees Mohammed in a meeting with the sanitary workers of V. Kalathoor Village Panchayat, Kallakurichi, Tamil Nadu. | Photo Credit: By Special Arrangement
Would this not become an opportunity for the dominant castes to meddle and exploit fractures among Dalits (politically)?
This argument is used to keep non-Dalits away from the issue. Right now, I am rethinking the word “Dalit” itself. In Tamil Nadu, those who call themselves Dalits are usually Paraiyars or Devendras. I don’t find any [unified] Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu.
There is a Paraiyar movement, a Devendra movement, and an Arunthathiyar movement. They are anti-caste to a certain extent, but mostly, they are caste-based movements. There was a point when we could all have come together, but now it doesn’t seem to exist. The anti-caste movement should not be a caste-based movement. It has to be a movement to annihilate caste, and I do not see any such movement in India right now.
Also Read | The argument about Dalit unity is a facade: Manda Krishna Madiga
When you converted to Islam, you expressed that it has the potential to annihilate caste. But we do have evidence of caste among Indian and South-Asian Muslims. How do you deal with this contradiction?
Many people choose a religion by reading its doctrine, but I haven’t read the complete doctrine. My engagement with Islam started towards the end of my research on sanitation. I have been working in this area for over 15 years, and it is a very emotional topic for me. I argue that toilets reproduce caste. I visited different toilets and found that masjid toilets are revolutionary, as are Islamic teachings about ablution and namaz.
I am not in a capacity to argue whether there is caste in Muslims or not. I am arguing that Dalit Christians are accepted as Dalits by most people, but Dalits who convert to Islam aren’t. On my Twitter and the Dalit Camera page, everyone tells me you are no longer an SC. I applied for membership in the sanitation welfare board, and fellow community members said that I am no longer an SC (since I embraced Islam). That’s the common person’s understanding. Discrimination and differences exist, but I feel you cannot equate how caste manifests in Muslims and Hindus.
What is your view about the demand for SC status for Dalit Muslims?
Recently, someone asked me to join the movement to demand SC reservations for Dalit Muslims. I respectfully declined. Let me put it this way: I do not support it, but I am also not the right person to comment on that issue either because my history of involvement in the movement is limited.
