Manda Krishna Madiga has for the past three decades pursued a single goal: the subcategorisation of the Scheduled Castes. One of the founders of the Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti (MRPS), he has steered the social justice movement that fought for the aspirations of the Madiga community of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. On August 1, ending a decades-long conflict, a seven-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that subcategorisation of SCs was constitutionally permissible. This would let States identify the backward among the SCs for a separate quota within the quota. In an exclusive interview with Frontline, Krishna Madiga shared his thoughts on the Supreme Court order, the discourse around subcategorisation, and the MRPS’ contentious support for the BJP.
Excerpts from the interview:
What are your thoughts on the Supreme Court ruling?
Historically, and even according to Ambedkar’s conception of the caste system, every caste in this country is positioned on a ladder-like structure. Even among upper castes, no two castes have social equality. The same applies to backward classes. Similarly, Dalits aren’t a homogeneous unit. Everyone knows that there is no social equality among the various Dalit communities. There is empirical evidence and historical backing for this. We firmly believe that subclassification is the only way to do justice to Madigas who haven’t reaped the benefits of SC reservation. The Supreme Court judgment on Dalits not being a homogeneous unit and the States having the right to subclassify SCs is a massive victory for us.
Some experts believe that subcategorisation will hamper Dalit unity and that the existing fault lines will deepen.
When Ambedkar introduced reservation, many said it would cause divisions in the country. Some people said all Indians were the same, so let’s not separate Dalits. That argument did not have merit.
Further, I don’t believe there is any unity among the Dalit communities. The existence of separate settlements—Malapalle and Madigapalle [palle means hamlet]—itself is proof of it. This argument about unity is a facade so that one caste [Mala] can continue to benefit from SC reservation disproportionately. What’s stopping Dalits from remaining united after subclassification? They [Mala] can take their share, and we [Madiga] will take our rightful share. In fact, with subclassification, I see no scope for further clashes.
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The observations of the Supreme Court on the “creamy layer” have dominated the discourse, despite the BJP’s assurance against it. What is your view on that?
A representation of Dalit and Adivasi MPs met [Prime Minister] Modi, who assured them that the creamy layer rule wouldn’t be enforced on SC and ST reservations. But we must question their actions. Did this group of MPs protest so swiftly when amendments to the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act was tabled in 2018? When was the last time they spoke about land distribution? Did they ever ask for an increase in the quota? The government sector is shrinking. Have they ever met the PM to demand reservation in the private sector?
It is my opinion that these MPs had their benefits at stake. Each State has a caste within SCs that has developed and advanced. In that, only a handful of families have advanced politically in each State. How can a constituency be in the hands of a single family for 40-50 years? There is a small minority that has grown politically and amassed wealth since Independence. Who is losing out because of them? Isn’t it the poor Dalits and Adivasis?
Is “wealthy Dalits” not a talking point of the privileged castes opposing reservation?
When upper castes didn’t have reservation, they did raise such issues. There is now reservation for the Economically Weaker Section (EWS). There is no threat to reservation from anyone now.
But even when a Dalit becomes an MLA, MP, or an IAS or IPS officer, they still face caste discrimination and social constraints.
Let’s keep reservation, but let’s have a higher cut-off of 5-10 marks for children of MLAs, MPs, civil servants, and Group I officers. Dalit children who go to government schools shouldn’t be made to compete at the same level as those who have had some advantages. No matter what anyone thinks about this stand, I am here as the spokesperson for poor Dalits and Adivasis.
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The MRPS chose to support the BJP, which adheres to the Hindutva ideology. Are ideological differences not bound to crop up between you and the BJP?
Is Rahul Gandhi not Hindu? Aren’t most politicians of India Hindus? If BJP leaders talk about Ram, Rahul Gandhi claims to be a devotee of Siva. Further, in the decade before the BJP came to power, the Congress backed Pratibha Patil and Pranab Mukherjee, both Brahmins, as Presidents. Why didn’t they choose a Dalit or an Adivasi? The BJP, however, picked a Dalit, Ram Nath Kovind, and an Adivasi, Droupadi Murmu.
We supported N. Chandrababu Naidu when he guaranteed subclassification. We stood by K. Chandrashekar Rao of the Bharat Rashtra Samithi during the Telangana movement because he promised the same. From the time of former Chief Minister Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy to the time Uttam Kumar was State Congress president, we have periodically supported the Congress. The BJP is a national party. It’s in power. We need the BJP. When our aspiration is subcategorisation, and the BJP helps [us] in achieving it, how’s it wrong to stand by it?
Was the BJP’s support for subcategorisation conditional to the MRPS’ support in the elections?
No. But it is beneficial to us to support those who support subclassification.
Will the MRPS continue to support Modi and the BJP?
Please tell us to whom we should express our gratitude: the party that betrayed Madigas or the party that supported us.
What is your future plan of action?
Following up with the States for a swift implementation of the subcategorisation.
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