Dazed, but determined

The Muslim victims of the communal violence, though still hounded out of their homes, are determined to vote.

Musalmano ko kaat dalo, maar dalo (Cut Muslims, kill them)." It was shouts such as this that greeted Madina Maleik when she returned to Pavagadh village in Panchmahal district a few months ago. She immediately fled back to her relative's home in nearby Halol town.

"When we went back, we had sleepless nights. They shouted slogans against us," says Madina. Pavagadh has a historic religious site, which attracts several pilgrims and tourists. Muslims owned most shops here. The violence was used to drive them out and take over their shops. "They razed all our shops, captured the land and set up their own business there. Muslims who drive taxis are not allowed to enter the village. No one in the village is allowed to talk to us," says Madina, explaining the boycott of Muslims in her village.

They dare not go back to their homes. They cannot dream of restarting their shops. They do not know where they will live. Or where their next meal will come from. But there is one thing they are sure of they will definitely vote in the elections. "The police have promised to escort us to the booth. If they take us, we will go to vote," says Madina.

The Election Commission's (E.C.) efforts seem to have paid off. Muslims are determined to go out and vote. They comprise 9 per cent of Gujarat's population. A community that was persecuted during the communal violence now wants to make its voice heard. And there are no prizes for guessing whom they are determined to vote out.

"Even if the Congress puts up a crook, we will vote for him. And, even if the BJP nominates a god, we will chase him off," says Rashid, a paan vendor from Maninagar, Chief Minister Narendra Modi's constituency in Ahmedabad. "The BJP has sown so much poison and destroyed so many lives that even little kids feel the Hindu-Muslim divide," he adds.

Some voters in central Gujarat's tribal belt, a traditional Congress(I) stronghold, are wary of the party. But they seem to be left with no other choice. "The BJP started it all. But Congress leaders here did nothing to protect us. It makes no difference whom we vote for. No one helps us," said Rafiq Gudala, a shopkeeper in Fatehgunj, Dahod district, whose house and shop were burned during the violence. Many Muslims are in a dilemma similar to Rafiq's. Although unhappy with the Congress, it is their only choice. For instance, in Godhra, many Muslims do not want to vote for the Congress candidate, Rajendrasinh Patel, a member of the dissolved Assembly. Many of them allege that he played a role in the riots.

Most refugees have returned to their homes. But some are still being hounded out wherever they go. Two persons were killed when violence broke out as recently as November 11 in Dasaj village in Mehsana district. Local Patels are determined to drive away the 100-odd families from other villages, which have sought shelter in Dasaj. While both communities blame each other for attacking first, the reason for the clash is clear. "We do not want outside Muslims to settle here. Their numbers keep increasing. Around 184 new Muslim voters are now registered here," says Hasmukh Patel, a local landowner. "In July, we held a Hindu sammelan (conference) in the village, at which we decided to snap all ties with them. We took back the land we had given them to till as share-croppers. Maybe that was why they decided to get back at us."

The Muslims, whose houses were burnt, have a different story to tell. "They had been planning this for a long time," says Sattarbhai Khatri, a refugee from Unjha village. "We were attacked at the end of a three-day festival organised for the installation of a temple in the village. Thousands of people had come from outside." Sajid Khan, a long-time Dasaj resident, adds: "The local Rabadis [`lower caste' people] had warned us that we would be attacked at 9 p.m." Houses were burnt, mainly in the basti where the refugees had settled. "The refugees have been registered as voters here. But Muslims will vote only if the Collector's office organises a separate booth for us. We cannot go into their basti. It is dangerous. Our children cannot even go to the secondary school located there," says Sajid.

The E.C. found that about four crore voters had shifted residence after the communal riots. Of them, it is not yet clear how many were displaced owing to the riots and how many migrated for other reasons. Around 1.71 crore people have already been traced at their new homes, while 2.29 crore others are yet to be found. Those who have been traced, like the refugees in Dasaj, have been registered in their new neighbourhood. Even those living in relief camps are listed as voters in the location of the relief camp.

At the relief camp at Vadali in Sabarkantha district, refugees have been added to the rolls. "We have asked for a special booth here," says camp organiser Amanullah Khan Pathan. The camp houses around 150 families which have been prevented from returning to their homes in Khed Brahma, Lakshmipura, Kariada, Derol and surrounding villages. "It is not safe for us to go back. Even those who returned to their homes keep running back to the camp whenever there is any rally or Gaurav Yatra. They do not allow us back. They even chased away a charitable trust that wanted to rebuild our houses," says Nooriben Mansoori from Lakshmipura. The fear that the smallest provocation could spark trouble exists both in cities and in villages. However, the terror is far greater in rural areas. Most people involved in the riots still seem to have the upper hand and are keeping the fear alive.

Mehboob Sheikh, a camp organiser at Halol, says, "Even now, certain Bajrang Dal members hold meetings all over the district and make extremely inflammatory speeches against Muslims. This could ignite trouble, especially when the atmosphere is so volatile." Those who have returned to their homes are so isolated that they cannot even buy rations. Going to vote is another story. Amanullah Pathan says: "Until recently, we were providing milk powder to the surrounding villages like Kariadra, where people still face a boycott. No one is willing to sell them groceries. They have to travel 15 km to buy their rations. In such a situation, of course, there is bound to be fear during the elections."

Some people who were allegedly involved in the riots have even been rewarded with the party ticket. The most prominent is Mayaben Kodnani, who represented Naroda in the dissolved House. In her constituency lies Naroda Patiya, where the most ghastly massacres took place, taking 83 lives. Several victims named Kodnani in their statements to the police, but her name has not been mentioned in the first information reports. "Of course, Mayaben is very powerful," says Basubhai Sayyed, a Naroda Patiya resident. "Mayaben never comes here or does anything for us. She only campaigns within her own community." Another controversial BJP candidate is Jitu Vaghela, who was detained for more than a month in connection with the rioting in Gomtipur.

The communal carnage came as a wake-up call for the Muslim community. This time they are voting for their survival. They are determined not to waste a single vote. Rashid from Maninagar puts it thus: "This time, we don't care. Even if our houses are burning, we will go to cast our vote."