Controversial career

Jayendra Saraswathi's interests extended beyond the traditional activities of his mutt. This enabled him to expand his area of influence but did not always go well with the image of the institution.

"Communalism, regionalism, corruption and all-round indiscipline are indeed grave dangers to our national unity. But communalism is the worst among them. The root cause for the re-emergence of communalism, even after heart-rending partition of India, is the shortsighted, selfish approach of politicians and political parties. Those who genuinely love India and are earnest about ridding the body politic of communalism must unreservedly refuse to forge alliance with communal parties for the sake of gaining or retaining power. We have so far failed in eliminating communalism because all-India parties woo them for votes."

- Sri Chandrasekharendra Saraswathi, the Paramacharya of the Kanchi Kamakoti Mutt, in the course of a discussion with former Union Minister C. Subramaniam, Dada Dharmathikari, V.S. Page and S. Ramakrishnan in Satara in 1980 (as quoted from Bhavan's Journal in an article by Subramaniam in The Hindu dated November 6, 1990).

TWENTY-ODD years after the Paramacharya spelt out his views on communalism and communal parties in strong and no uncertain terms, his successor, Sri Jayendra Saraswathi, inaugurated in April the election office of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Chennai. The BJP and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), the ruling party in Tamil Nadu, which fought the 2004 elections to the Lok Sabha as allies, drew a blank in the State.

Significantly, the Paramacharya had even referred in his discussion with C. Subramaniam and others, to "parties like the Hindu Mahasabha, the Muslim League and the Akali Dal, and their offshoots" as "communal" parties. That the BJP is nothing but an offshoot of the Hindu Mahasabha is obvious.

This departure by Jayendra Saraswathi from the policy line drawn by the Paramacharya, which in fact began as early as the mid-1990s though in a small way, steadily grew in scale after the Paramacharya passed away in 1994. The mutt's activities, as a result, extended to newer fields, often at the cost of its traditional reputation. The political activities of the mutt also progressively increased in the last few years.

Even during the first spell of AIADMK rule (1991-96) in the State, the Kanchi Mutt's proximity to the power centre was quite visible. AIADMK general secretary and Chief Minister Jayalalithaa, in fact, sought the blessings of Jayendra Saraswathi before releasing the list of party candidates for the 1996 elections to the State Assembly. That the election results were not to their liking is a different matter. Certain developments at the national level, such as the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the BJP's ascent to power at the Centre, which pushed communal politics to the centre stage, widened the scope for Jayendra Saraswathi to expand his political activities. Frequent visits of Central leaders, including Cabinet Ministers, to the mutt could also have apparently encouraged the acharya in his political pursuits.

Such visits by dignitaries were common also during the Paramacharya's leadership of the mutt. The visitors included Chittaranjan Das and other senior leaders of the freedom movement. Mahatma Gandhi had a meeting with him in Palakkad in Kerala, then part of the Madras Presidency. A staunch advocate of secularism as state policy, the Paramacharya was greatly respected for his keen intellect, scholarship and interest in a wide range of subjects, even as he was criticised for his conservative views on the caste system, women's education, pre-puberty marriage of girls and the status of widows. Not only national leaders, but also scientists, technocrats and writers, from far and wide, visited him to seek his blessings, advice and guidance. Still he kept off politics. Seldom did he land himself in any controversy.

FOR Jayendra Saraswathi, who has been no less orthodox on issues concerning women's liberation and the like, "social activism" has almost been a passion from his early years in the mutt. He was initiated as successor (the 69th head of the mutt) to the senior Acharya in 1954, when he was 19 years old. In a surprise development, Jayendra Saraswathi suddenly left the mutt on August 24, 1987, abdicating the religious seat (Frontline, September 18, 1987). After three days of tension, sorrow and anxiety among the employees and the disciples of the mutt across the country, he was traced at Talacauvery in Karnataka. By this time, Vijayendra Saraswathi, who had already been chosen by Jayendra Saraswathi as his successor, was anointed as the 70th head of the mutt by the Paramacharya, since according to mutt rules there could be no let-up in the daily poojas and related rituals. The post was restored to Jayendra Saraswathi on his return to the mutt, on September 17. He explained in an interview to Frontline on the day he returned why he left the mutt in a hurry without taking anybody into confidence. Jayendra Saraswathi said, "It was not sudden, though I did not take leave of anybody. I got the Lord's message on two things when I meditated at Tirupati in early July. The first was to launch a national movement for spiritual, economic and national awakening of the people and the second was to take a `sankalpa' (solemn vow). If I had told anybody about my departure, they might have stopped me or persuaded me to put off my departure. That is why I had to go unannounced."

Within a fortnight, on October 2, he launched the movement `Jana Kalyan Jana Jagaran'. He said at the inaugural function that the movement had two different areas of operation - service to the people and awakening the masses. It was open to all religions, the Sankaracharya declared, but many of those present wondered if the talk of "Hindustan", Sanskrit and the cow as a national animal would attract volunteers from other faiths. However, one could say with hindsight that Jayendra Saraswathi had by then given broad hints on what his political line would be. He made it clear that the movement had the blessings of the Paramacharya though it was not part of the activities of the mutt. A week after the launch, Jayendra Saraswathi told Frontline that it was not a communal movement (Frontline, October 30, 1987). In support of this he contended that some Christians and Muslims had joined the movement. In his speech he also referred to flow of "foreign funds" to certain religious groups and the "diversion" of these funds for "conversion", the familiar themes of the Hindutva forces.

The movement, which was launched with fanfare, did not, however, make any headway. It acted only as a cover to Jayendra Saraswathi's political activities, if not as a tool to achieve his ambitions, spiritual and political.

THE 1980s saw some turbulent developments in Tamil Nadu. The first signs of communal tension appeared in the form of clashes between Hindus and Christians over temple festivals in Kanyakumari district. The conversion of a substantial number of Dalits to Islam in Tirunelveli district received countrywide attention. Hindu communal organisations such as the Hindu Munnani, the Tamil Nadu Temples Protection Committee, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad made their appearance and slowly began to increase their base in the southern districts. On the pretext of countering "conversion activities by alien religions", seeds of discord were sought to be sown in a State which until then had not experienced any major communal disturbance. The series of "Hindu resurgence" meetings organised by these organisations reportedly had the blessings of Jayendra Saraswathi.

When the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid issue moved centre stage, Jayendra Saraswathi told a press conference at Thiruthani in July 1987 that an amicable solution should be found to the issue only by the people of Ayodhya and blamed "outside forces" for blowing the issue out of proportion, just echoing the stand of the Hindutva forces at that time. He said, "Political interference has led to the present situation." (It has to be noted that the mutt had not reacted to many developments such as the agitation seeking a ban on cow slaughter a few years earlier.) Significantly, Jayendra Saraswathi did not condemn the demolition of the Babri Masji on December 6, 1992.

After the passing away of the Paramacharya in January 1994, a few months before his birth centenary, Jayendra Saraswathi's presence in politics, particularly in Hindutva politics, became more visible. In Tamil Nadu, he saw in the AIADMK government an ally. During that period, Hindutva organisations began spreading their net and strengthening their existing bases. There were moves on many fronts, particularly religion and education. Efforts were also made to bring hundreds of village temples under their control. The annual conferences of village priests served in a big way to tamper with centuries-old practices. In the name of bringing these temples under a uniform code, Vedic rituals, which were alien to them until then, were sought to be introduced. This took place to a substantial extent in the southern districts, according to some expert studies. A number of schools run by pro-Hindutva agencies stepped up their activities.

The formation of BJP-led governments in 1998 and 1999 at the Centre gave even larger space in national politics for Jayendra Saraswathi. Top BJP leaders made frequent visits to the mutt and Jayendra Saraswathi was able to wield larger influence with the ruling dispensation, both at the Centre and in the State.

In Tamil Nadu, the AIADMK government gave important roles to Jayendra Saraswathi, particularly in temple-related governmental functions. He was appointed head of a State-level committee on protection of temple property. He was consulted on several other issues also. The State government brought in an act in 2002 to prevent "forcible" conversions. The immediate provocation for this was the "threat" of hundreds of Dalits of Koothirambakkam village, near Kancheepuram, to change religion because their decades-old demand that their right to enter and worship at the common village temple be protected by the government had not been conceded.

Taking advantage of the favourable situation in the State, Jayendra Saraswathi allegedly attempted to secure a say in organising and conducting functions such as kumbhabhishekam (consecration) at all temples that undertook renovation work. During the last three years, scores of temples were renovated and consecrated. In certain temples run under Saivite and Vaishnavite traditions, attempts to ensure a prime role for the head of the Kanchi Mutt were said to be thwarted by the committees of the respective temples.

Jayendra Saraswathi found himself at the centre of a controversy when he suggested some changes in the system of rituals followed at the Sri Venkateswara temple at Tirumala. Vaishnavite seers and mutt heads, including Tridandi Srimannarayana Ramanuja Chinna Jeeyar, were highly critical of his "interference" in the affairs of the temple. The Tridandi jeer asked him to keep off issues relating to Tirumala because he "does not belong to Srivaishnavism and hence need not interfere with the Vaishnava traditions." Moves like these by the Kanchi acharya are seen as a manifestation of his ambition to emerge as a Pope-like head of the pan-Indian Hindu religion, acceptable to all sections and divisions in the principal religion of the country.

THE second area in which Jayendra Saraswathi sought to extend his activities was matters relaing to Dalits, whom he referred to as Harijan. Dalits form about 20 per cent of the country's population and they were historically forced to occupy a peculiar position in the Hindu religious order, segregated but badly needed to serve the caste Hindus' interests. The 1990s saw in Tamil Nadu, as elsewhere in the country, growing awareness among Dalits. Keen to rope in their support, the pontiff took steps in recent years to appease this section through welfare activities. He visited slums and advised Dalits, who have been segregated for centuries on the grounds that they are "polluted", on the need to be "clean and hygienic". Dalit activists say that Dalits, with high awareness about their rights, would not be taken in by such temptations as assistance and concessions, except the aged and the infirm who are accustomed to living as dependants of caste Hindus.

Thus, inherent weaknesses such as the rigid four-tier caste hierarchy and the segregation of Dalits as "outcastes" would prove to be tough impediments to be negotiated in one's effort to build a pan-Indian, unified Hindu system under a single leader. This apart, observers say, some of Jayendra Saraswathi's personal traits are capable of placing insurmountable hurdles on his way to reaching the summit. His biting remarks on men and matters often landed him in trouble. One instance is the remark he allegedly made when Dalits from Koothirambakkam sought the mutt's good offices to help them win their right to enter the village temple. Jayendra Saraswathi is alleged to have said, "Take bath and cleanse yourself first, and then claim your right to enter the temple." K. Krishnaswamy, the leader of Puthiya Tamizhagam, a political party of Dalits, has taken the issue to the court.

The third and equally important sphere where the mutt's activities have perceptibly increased in the recent years is business and services sectors. Many educational institutions, including a university, have come up. A big multi-speciality hospital located close to Chennai and a reputed hospital for childcare are also said to have been bought over. Besides, there has been large-scale entry by the mutt in the real estate business, say observers.

All these deals have been struck in the name of public trusts. Some observers feel that these activities have the potential to take the mutt close to all kinds of undesirable elements.

It is not surprising that many social and political developments in the country during the past 20 years that facilitated the growth of Hindutva forces have also caused a steady rise in the growth graph of Jayendra Saraswathi in these fields. Just as the respect Jayendra Saraswathi commanded as the head of one of the most venerated religious institutions of the country helped in the growth of Hindutva forces, particularly in Tamil Nadu, and gave repectability to the State government at a certain point of time, the power centres both at the Centre and in the States helped Jayendra Saraswathi in expanding his sphere of influence across the country. When one of the three got weakened, the fortunes of the other two got affected, though in different degrees.

The defeat of the BJP and its consequent dislodgment from power early this year altered the situation to the disadvantage of the Kanchi acharya. In an interview to the Times News Network (TNN) on June 6 in Mumbai, he put the blame for the rout of the alliance squarely on Jayalalithaa. "Her `ahankara' (arrogance) did her party in," said the acharya.

Although the elections were for the Lok Sabha, he found nothing wrong with the performance of the BJP-led Union government, which too could have caused the setback. He faulted Jayalalithaa for the way her government had handled the strike by its employees in 2003. "She did not know when to turn the heat off the employees. As a result thousands of families across Tamil Nadu turned against the AIADMK," he said. Asked who advised Jayalalithaa, he replied looking up to the ceiling, "God alone knows who is advising her. I think she is her own adviser," the TNN report said. According to political observers, this caustic remark from a person who was seen as one of her staunch supporters could have angered Jayalalithaa and might have forced her to distance herself from the mutt head.

Many old-timers among the devotees are understandably worried about the damage the Kancheepuram murder and the events that followed could possibly cause to the reputation of the mutt, which claims to be over 2,000 years old.

Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) president M. Karunanidhi, who promptly commended the State government's action in effecting the arrest, has urged in an article in the party's organ Murasoli that the government should initiate steps to see that the mutt resumed its normal functioning soon. "The institution should not be allowed to die. What ought to be done is to look for a new captain who can do the job well and get the ship repaired to suit the changing needs," he suggested.