The final push

The role of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Arab League becomes crucial in the passage of the U.N. resolution.

in Manama

WHEN forces loyal to Libyan strongman Muammar Qaddafi started shooting civilians participating in a pro-democracy uprising, they opened the doors to a heavy external intervention in their country. As a possible human catastrophe loomed over Libya, former colonial powers France and Britain, removed from the political centre stage of northern Africa and West Asia since the 1956 Suez crisis, decided to plot a political comeback. The two countries swiftly established links with the Libyan opposition operating from the courthouse of Benghazi, the epicentre of the rebellion.

Desperate to exercise leadership, France, under the presidency of Nicolas Sarkozy, became the first country to recognise the opposition Libyan National Council (LNC). In doing so, it was establishing a special relationship with the opposition in anticipation that the latter would eventually evolve into a political alternative to the embattled Qaddafi regime.

Outside the Benghazi courthouse, a banner came up soon after the French recognition had been bestowed. It showed the opposition's pre-Qaddafi era flag merging into the French tricolour a symbol that a new relationship between the two had been successfully forged.

Britain was also not far behind in aligning itself with the Libyan opposition. But in order to cement its position with the opposition and draw long-term benefits out of it, a no-fly zone over Libya had to be enforced. This was the demand of the anti-Qaddafi forces after the regime's planes strafed them and heavy weapons threatened their frontlines.

But the opposition's exhortations, though necessary, were insufficient to legitimise the enforcement of a no-fly zone. If a no-fly zone had to gain legitimacy, Arabs in general had to call for it. If that happened, half the battle for a Western military intervention in Libya would have been won.

Key European powers were confident that once the Arabs formalised their request, a no-fly zone resolution, with ample latitude for a quiet expansion of the mission, could be squeezed through the United Nations Security Council. The campaign for the U.N. resolution commenced when the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) flagged the no-fly zone call. At a Foreign Ministers' meeting in Riyadh on March 10, the Gulf Arab States announced that in their view, Qaddafi's regime had lost its legitimacy. In parallel, they advocated support for the opposition LNC.

When it comes to Libya, I think the regime has lost its legitimacy, Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr al-Thani, the Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, said at the conference. We support the no-fly zone. We also support contact with the National Council in Libya. It is time to discuss the situation with them, and the Security Council should shoulder its responsibility, he observed.

In building up its case, the GCC denounced the firing on civilians by the Qaddafi regime. It also cited as unacceptable the recruitment and involvement of foreign mercenaries in these crimes. Besides, it said the killing of innocent civilians by the regime was in flagrant violation of human rights and international humanitarian law.

Significantly, the GCC urged the 22-nation Arab League to take up the case of protecting the Libyan people by approaching the Security Council to impose a no-fly zone over Libya. The neatly choreographed case for a no-fly zone was then relayed two days later at a special Arab League session. Foreign Ministers of the Arab League, meeting in Cairo, quickly endorsed the GCC proposal and called upon the Security Council to protect Libyan civilians by enforcing a no-fly zone. Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa stressed that the enforcement of a no-fly zone was a humanitarian mission, solely focussed on the protection of civilians.

While supporting the no-fly zone, the League was, nevertheless, emphatic in rejecting any foreign military intervention in Libya. Moussa also said that the enforcement of the no-fly zone could not be open-ended. It must be lifted once the Libyan crisis had ended, he said.

The group endorsed the GCC's view that the Qaddafi regime had lost its sovereignty. Simultaneously, it legitimised the LNC, and said that it would soon be contacted by the League. The Arab League's call proved crucial in the passage of the U.N. resolution. It impacted strongly on Russia and China, which chose to abstain, rather than veto the resolution, despite their deep reservations about it.

In navigating diplomacy that led to the adoption of the U.N. resolution, the tiny emirate of Qatar played a crucial role. The Qataris have already acquired a high regional profile because of the pervasive influence of the Al Jazeera satellite channel, which they fund. The channel arguably enjoys the largest viewership in the Arab world. Its coverage of the recent pro-democracy revolts has been compelling and extensive.

Al Jazeera's impact on boosting Qatar's national image became evident when the channel's cameraman, Ali Hassan al-Jaber, was killed in an ambush on the outskirts of Benghazi on March 12. As the news spread, emotional crowds in their thousands assembled after dark in bereavement outside the courthouse in Benghazi. Amid their unending chants and prolonged sloganeering, the Qatar national flag, in deference to the slain journalist, was hoisted atop the courthouse building.

Even after the U.N. resolution was enforced, the Qataris have been ahead of the pack in participating in the enforcement of a no-fly zone. Qatar became the first Arab country to pool in its Mirages in the no-fly zone mission. We felt it was important for an Arab country to join, and because other Arab countries were not involved militarily, we felt we should, Gen. Mubarak al-Khayanin, the Qatari Air Force chief of staff, told the Associated Press.

We are physically a small country, but with leadership comes responsibility, he said. Certain countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt haven't taken leadership for the last three years. So we wanted to step up and express ourselves and see if others will follow.

Since March 25, Qatari jets have flown sorties alongside French aircraft, taking off from the Greek airbase of Crete.

Many believe that Qatar is punching beyond its weight on the international stage. But, for the moment, Qatar, on a diplomatic high, does not seem to care. It was therefore not surprising that the Qataris chose to acquire a high profile at the recent international conference in London on charting the course of Libya's future. At the conference, Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr al-Thani announced that the emirate had formally recognised the opposition as the representative of Libya. Based on the recognition of the LNC, Qatar also decided to sell oil produced in the opposition-held areas. The proceeds from these sales are to fund humanitarian supplies required in areas falling under the LNC's de facto domain.

At a press conference after the meeting, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim advised Qaddafi to leave Libya, but stressed that the offer of a safe exit was not open-ended. I think this is the only solution to sort this problem as soon as possible. Right now we don't see any indication of that. But this hope which we offer now might not be on the table after a few days. I'm not warning anybody here, but I am trying to stop the bloodshed as soon as possible, he said. In tandem with the London conference, Qatar's Emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, ordered deployment of ships to take home Egyptian nationals who have been stranded in the embattled Libyan city of Misurata.