In Bihar’s Bhojpur district, 35 kilometres from the town of Arrah, lies the village of Ekwari. The day a Frontline team visited the village in mid-October, the afternoon sun cast a golden glow over fields where farmers and labourers toiled, their silhouettes blending with the landscape. Although peaceful today, this village was once the epicentre of the naxalite movement in Bihar and still bears the weight of past tensions rooted in caste and class. Opinions remain sharply divided among the villagers, often reflecting their continuing social and economic divide.
It was here that Jagdish Mahto (called Master Saheb), a pivotal figure in the naxal movement, and Rameshwar Ahir ignited an uprising in the late 1960s and early 1970s in which Dalits, backward classes, and the landless poor, long silenced by oppression, rose against the privileged-caste feudal lords who were notorious for their exploitation and abuse, including the sexual exploitation of marginalised-caste women.
Almost everyone in Ekwari has a story to tell about the naxalite uprising: how it began in their fields and homes and spread like wildfire across Bhojpur, reaching Muzaffarpur, Jehanabad, Siwan, and parts of what is now Jharkhand. Elders recount the rebellion and the clashes that followed, while the younger generation, though not direct witnesses, speak of it with passion—the tales are woven into the village’s collective memory. The uprising, in a sense, is intertwined with their very identity.
“It’s fresh in my memory. Those were days of bloodshed when everyone seemed willing to kill everyone else. The naxals were baying for the blood of zamindars, deceiving the poor with promises of transforming their lives. But did their lives change?” asked Ranjeet Kumar, a Bhumihar in his late 70s. “This whole naxal movement was a hoax, a ploy for power. Lower-caste people were brainwashed by figures like Jagdish Mahto to rise against the upper castes.”
The naxal movement
Not everyone, however, shares Ranjeet’s view. The naxal movement provided many among the backward classes, Dalits, and women with a sense of dignity that they had long been denied. They credit it with securing land rights and fair wages, breaking down the barriers of marginalisation, and getting their voices heard and their rights recognised.
Ram Naresh, a 38-year-old Dalit (name changed), although not a witness to the birth of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation, or the CPI(ML) Liberation, in 1974, feels empowered. “We weren’t there to witness those days; we hadn’t even been born. But we’ve heard the stories of how Master Jagdish Mahto inspired the lower castes to rise against feudal oppression. Yes, there was bloodshed, but it’s because of that struggle that my generation can now live with samman [dignity],” he said.
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Reflecting on the current influence of the CPI(ML) Liberation, which is a constituent of the INDIA bloc, Naresh said: “Even though the party today differs from the fiery days of struggle, its spirit remains. We now have a platform to voice our concerns. We’re no longer afraid to speak out, to protest, or demand our rights. While the intensity of struggle has waned, the legacy of standing up for justice lives on in every movement we undertake today.”
The women, too, believe that the naxal movement gave them a sense of security and relief from sexual exploitation by landlords and their collaborators.
“These are different times. Women from our community can now go to school, visit markets, and roam freely,” said Anita Devi, 70. “When I was growing up, we could never have imagined such freedoms. There was always the fear of upper-caste landlords, who would abduct girls and rape them. Sometimes, they would invade our homes and violate our dignity. It was this pervasive violence and oppression that pushed the lower castes to unite and form armed groups to defend themselves.”
A bus stand outside Ekwari village built in memory of Uma Shankar Singh, a Bhumihar landlord killed by naxals. | Photo Credit: By Special Arrangement
Grassroots mobilisation laid the groundwork for larger social and political movements, including the rise of the CPI(ML) Liberation. The party evolved significantly, particularly after the 1978 “rectification campaign”, which was meant to reform operational strategies but culminated in a special party conference in July 1979. In that conference, leaders debated the need for mass activities, leading to the formation of organisations such as the Indian People’s Front and the Bihar Pradesh Kisan Sabha. This marked a shift from merely armed struggle to engagement with the public to challenge deeply entrenched power structures.
Grassroots mobilisation
In a conversation with Frontline, Santosh Sahar, a party activist and editor of the CPI(ML) Liberation’s Hindi magazine, Samkaleen Lok Yudh, said: “It was never a party of power; it was a party of struggles against an exploitative system. During the Emergency, there was a crackdown on our activities, leading to the imprisonment of many leaders. Later, we shifted tactics, opening mass fronts like the Indian People’s Front. By the mid-1990s, the Liberation had transformed into an overground party, actively challenging feudal forces.”
Despite the party’s impact, many villagers have only a vague understanding of naxalism. For them, it is more about lived experiences—the stories of rebellion, dignity, and justice—rather than Marxism or Maoism. Naxalism, in their eyes, had become a living, malleable idea rooted in the practical realities of oppression and survival.
In a paper titled “The Naxalite Movement in Central Bihar”, Bela Bhatia, a human rights activist and scholar, attributes several factors to the uprising in Ekwari and other parts of Bhojpur. Speaking to Frontline, she said that the central cause was samman or izzat ki ladai, the fight for dignity, by the marginalised castes and the poor.
“There were numerous factors leading to the uprising and contributing to the success of the naxal movement in Bhojpur. A pivotal moment occurred in 1967 when upper-caste landlords beat Master Jagdish Mahto while he was trying to prevent election rigging on behalf of his friend and candidate Ram Naresh Ram. This ignited a spark of resistance, prompting Mahto to connect with the naxal movement in Bengal and return to Ekwari to organise the villagers,” Bhatia said.
“However, the uprising was fuelled by a number of urgent issues that had long plagued the community. For the lower castes and the poor, dignity and respect were paramount. They endured poverty and landlessness and were often compensated not in cash but with Khesari or grass pea, which could lead to serious health issues. Women were particularly vulnerable in the feudal structure, suffering social, economic, and sexual abuse. In this context, the naxalite movement became a powerful vehicle for change, allowing the marginalised to assert their rights and demand justice. It was a collective awakening, a fight for dignity and recognition in a system that had consistently denied them both,” she said.
Bhojpur saw violence and counter-violence as naxalites clashed with private armies of landlords. Police encounters and extrajudicial killings, documented by organisations such as the People’s Union for Civil Liberties, the People’s Union for Democratic Rights, and Human Rights Watch further inflamed the conflict. Violence escalated in the 1990s with the rise of the Ranvir Sena, a privileged-caste militia that was known for targeting the backward castes.
A particularly dark chapter in the history of the struggle unfolded in Nadhi, where a CPI(ML) attack on landlords left eight people dead. A retaliatory strike killed nine members of the Scheduled Castes. The worst attack was in Bathanitola, where landlords killed 22 Dalits. In Ekwari, 10 Dalits lost their lives at the hands of privileged-caste individuals, and in Nagri, landlords killed another 10.
The Danwar-Bihta massacre of 1989 stemmed from the long-standing control that privileged-caste landlords, particularly of the Rajput community, held over local elections. They captured polling booths and coerced Dalits into voting for their candidates. The Dalits of Danwar-Bihta village defied this practice and resolved to vote independently. In retaliation, the Rajput landlords, led by Jwala Singh, massacred 23 Dalits. Jwala Singh played a key role in ensuring that no Dalit voted freely in the upcoming election.
The killing of Sheopoojan Singh, an assistant to the landlords, in Ekwari on February 23, 1971, was a turning point in the history of Bhojpur. Between 1971 and 1973, as many as 15 landlords were killed, including notable figures like Thana Singh of Jagdishpur. In Chauri on May 6, 1973, a clash between paramilitary forces and Dalit labourers resulted in the death of Lal Mohar Dusadh; Ganeshi Dusadh, another labourer, succumbed to his injuries on the way to hospital. Two others, Balkeshwar Dusadh and Dinanath Teli, died later, and 19 others were injured, including police personnel and landlords.
During the naxalite struggle in Bhojpur, the police often sided with privileged-caste landlords. Instead of protecting the vulnerable, they were complicit in reinforcing the systemic oppression that the marginalised communities faced. Extrajudicial killings and custodial violence were the order of the day.
In an article titled “Class War in Central Bihar” in Economic & Political Weekly, the journalist Arun Sinha notes that tensions worsened after the death of Rameswar Ahir, prompting a police crackdown. On April 3, 1974, the police executed four landless labourers after they surrendered to the police. Days later, on April 9, Hiranand Dusadh was arrested and shot. By May 1974, two more individuals were shot in Dullamchak village on suspicion of being naxalites. The cycle of violence and repression highlights the brutal realities of Bhojpur’s naxalite struggle, where the fight for dignity often came at a devastating cost.
As we prepared to leave Ekwari, a village steeped in stories of resistance and repression, dusk was settling over the fields. The sun dipped below the horizon, casting long shadows of the weary men returning from the fields. Their quiet conversations filled the air.
They greeted us with curiosity, eager to share their thoughts. While most expressed support for the CPI(ML) Liberation and its fight for the oppressed, they hesitated when it came to voting for it. For them, the party remained one of andolan, of protest, and not an electoral option. Although they admired its ideals, their votes often went to candidates who offered more immediate, practical solutions.
Prakash Yadav, 43, who works at a shop in the neighbouring district of Patna, acknowledged the impact of the CPI(ML) Liberation, particularly in providing security for the community. However, electorally, he aligns with the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), believing it has a stronger presence and can deliver more practical benefits. “Liberation has done a lot for us, especially in making our lives more secure. I still support the party, but when it comes to elections, I vote for the RJD because it has more influence in government and can bring us the things we need,” said Prakash.
In Chauri village, we met individuals who sympathised with the CPI(ML) Liberation but voted for the BJP. “If we Dalits have a voice in this region today, it is because of the party. But we are also Hindus, and the only party that works for a unified cause is the BJP, so we vote for them,” said Suryanath Manjhi, a farm labourer.
Highlights
- Ekwari village in Bihar’s Bhojpur district was the epicenter of the naxalite movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Jagdish Mahto and Rameshwar Ahir led an uprising against feudal lords known for their exploitation and abuse, including the sexual exploitation of marginalised-caste women.
- The naxalite movement provided many with a sense of dignity, securing land rights and fair wages, breaking down barriers of marginalisation, and getting their voices heard and their rights recognised. The naxalite movement laid the groundwork for larger social and political movements, including the rise of the CPI(ML) Liberation.
- The CPI(ML) Liberation is actively seeking to reinvent itself in Bhojpur by reconnecting with its historical roots while adapting to the evolving political landscape. Recognising the shift in voter dynamics, the party has focussed on grassroots engagement, targeting specific issues that resonate with different caste groups.
Similar sentiments were expressed in other parts of the district such as Jagdishpur, Tarari, and Sandesh. Raju, a 24-year-old from Sandesh, said: “From what I understand of the naxal movement, it has done a lot to bring dignity to the backward and the poor. But they are not pro-development. Youths like me need progress, not just slogans of equality and dignity. I have also heard from my elders that the naxals believed people would not join them if there was development, and that’s why they wanted to keep it at bay.”
CPI(ML) Liberation’s electoral performance
This shifting sentiment is reflected in the CPI(ML) Liberation’s electoral performance. Rameshwar Prasad’s victory in the Bhojpur constituency in 1989 under the banner of the Indian People’s Front was a high point for the party, but its fortunes soon began to decline. For over three decades, the party could not reclaim the seat.
From 1991 to 2019, the party faced repeated defeats against the Janata Dal, the RJD, and the BJP. For instance, in 2014, Raju Yadav of the CPI(ML) Liberation got only 98,805 votes (11.06 per cent) against the BJP’s R.K. Singh (3,91,074 votes). Although Raju Yadav improved his performance in 2019, with 4,19,195 votes (38.79 per cent), he still lost to R.K. Singh.
Political experts believe that the electoral downfall of the party is emblematic of the challenges faced by all radical movements in adapting to complex sociopolitical situations. The CPI(ML) Liberation’s inability to integrate caste dynamics into its class-based framework, coupled with the transformative impact of electoral reforms, led to its marginalisation.
Afaque Haider, a researcher of Bihar politics and the naxal movement and a teacher of journalism at a private university, explains the party’s downfall as a consequence of the electoral reforms initiated in the 1990s (which fostered a strong belief in democracy among the people) as well as the post-Mandal politics of caste polarisation.
“The decline of the CPI(ML) Liberation in Bhojpur reflects the profound impact of the Mandal Commission’s recommendations and subsequent electoral reforms. The implementation of the Mandal policy in 1990, reserving 27 per cent of government jobs for Other Backward Classes [OBCs], empowered intermediate castes like the Yadavs, Kurmis, and Koeris, who began asserting their political dominance and distancing themselves from class-based movements. This shift allowed parties like the RJD, led by Lalu Prasad, to capitalise on caste identities, promoting narratives of ‘social justice’ that resonated more strongly with voters than the CPI(ML)’s emphasis on class struggle,” asserted Haider.
Naxalites in a sunflower field on the outskirts of Patna, a 2001 picture. For the people here, naxalism at the time was a living idea rooted in the practical realities of oppression and survival. | Photo Credit: VIKRAM KUMAR/AP
He further said: “As caste became the mainstay of electoral mobilisation in the 1990s, the CPI(ML) found its influence waning. The party struggled to adapt to these changes, unable to effectively navigate the shifting allegiances that defined the political landscape. The reforms initiated by Election Commissioner T.N. Seshan not only aimed to establish fair elections but also fostered a growing belief in democracy, prompting many leaders from the CPI(ML) to seek more stronger electoral options. This transition underscored a broader trend wherein traditional leftist movements faced challenges in retaining their grassroots support. Additionally, the party faced fragmentation, and divisions over shifts in ideological lines further weakened its cohesion.”
The long-awaited breakthrough came in 2024, when the CPI(ML) Liberation formed a coalition with the RJD and the Congress for the Lok Sabha election, a strategic alliance that enabled the party to wrest back the Arrah Lok Sabha seat. Sudama Prasad defeated two-time MP R.K. Singh of the BJP with 5,29,382 votes (48.28 per cent).
Party leaders and workers believe that more than a victory in the electoral arena, Sudama Prasad’s victory signifies a resurgence of left-wing politics in Bhojpur. The margin of 59,808 votes rekindles hopes for the party’s future, marking a potential turning point in the region’s political landscape.
Former MLA Manoj Manzil from the Agiaon constituency, who was disqualified from Bihar Assembly this February after being convicted in a murder case, asserted that this victory was significant for two reasons: first, the party managed to defeat the BJP, and second, the CPI(ML) Liberation has made inroads into the constituency once again.
“This is an important victory for us; it comes after more than 30 years of relentless struggle. It serves as a response to those who believed our influence in this region was waning. Beyond just the victory, we have ensured that the BJP candidate, who has held this seat for the last two elections, is defeated. The victory reflects the collective agenda of the coalition,” he said.
In response to why the party had been unable to win this seat since Rameshwar Prasad’s victory, Manoj Manzil said it was because of the rise of the Ranvir Sena and its confrontations with the party in the late 1990s, as well as Nitish Kumar’s false promises regarding land reforms for the Extremely Backward Classes.
Shifting tides
The CPI(ML) Liberation is actively seeking to reinvent itself in Bhojpur by reconnecting with its historical roots while adapting to the evolving political landscape. Recognising the shift in voter dynamics, the party has focussed on grassroots engagement, targeting specific issues that resonate with different caste groups. By employing local leaders such as Sudama Prasad, an OBC who is seen as approachable and invested in community welfare, the party aims to rebuild trust and reestablish its presence in a region that has witnessed significant political realignments over the past few decades.
Additionally, by addressing local concerns, such as those affecting the Mallah and Chandravanshi communities, the party is trying to demonstrate a commitment to tailored, community-focussed politics, which is crucial to regain influence in an area marked by complex social and political dynamics.
A party leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, said: “We have now realised two things. First, if we are in the parliamentary fray, we must work within that framework to win elections, hence, coalitions are vital. The party leadership recognised this in 2020, leading to our current coalition with the Congress and the RJD. Without this, our votes would have been fragmented as in previous elections.”
Dalit and oppressed caste people turned away from the camera, still fearing reprisal, their voices still silenced. | Photo Credit: By Special Arrangement
“The second important lesson,” he said, “is that we cannot win elections solely on class issues. Caste is intertwined with class, and we must consider the caste factor along with the class factor. It is encouraging that the party has internally recognised this and is reaching out to specific social groups with their issues, such as those affecting the Mallah and Chandravanshi communities, among others.”
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Interestingly, the party is leveraging public support through innovative fundraising methods, such as door-to-door campaigns to solicit small donations from constituents. Leaders believe this approach fosters a sense of ownership too among voters.
Amidst these shifting tides, the plight of the poor and marginalised still feels hauntingly familiar, echoing the origins of the struggle. The backward castes continue to live in fear, and their voices are stifled by the threat of reprisal. Many from these communities were wary of speaking to us and turned away from the camera. That revealed a poignant irony: even as society moves ahead, these people’s stories remain shrouded in silence, and their identities linger in the shadows.
Asad Ashraf is an independent journalist based in Delhi. He reports on politics, human rights, and social issues.
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