As Congress(I) president and CPP chairperson, Sonia Gandhi has her duties cut out for her. Will she be able to unite the party and curb dissension without antagonising party leaders?
THE installation of Sonia Gandhi as Congress(I) president and Congress Parliamentary Party chairperson in the latter half of March was accompanied by expectations of allround and radical changes in the party organisation to give it a new and dynamic look. And, speaking to mediapersons after assuming the positions, she had said that efforts would be made to energise the party by inducting younger people into important positions in the organisation.
However, two weeks after she occupied the posts, Sonia Gandhi had still not taken any step of that kind. The one important decision she took, the clearing of the nominations for the Rajya Sabha elections, did not show any sign of departure from the traditional practice of the Congress(I): two persons who lost the Lok Sabha elections, Santosh Mohan Deb and Oscar Fernandes, were given the ticket. In the event, the party won only one of the 23 seats.
The nomination of Santosh Mohan Deb and Oscar Fernandes led to murmurs of protest within the organisation, with partypersons saying that Sonia Gandhi was not serious about correcting the flaws in the party. Former Union Minister Matang Singh, who was denied the ticket, and a group of former Rajya Sabha members were in the forefront of this campaign. However, Sonia loyalist Suresh Pachauri averred: "Madam is only waiting for the April 6 All India Congress(I) Committee special session to put the final stamp of authority on her organisational status before making the promised modifications to the party set-up."
Sonia Gandhi's response to a demand for action against Matang Singh, who allegedly worked against the candidature of Santosh Mohan Deb in the Rajya Sabha elections and ensured his defeat, only reaffirmed Pachauri's view. Speaking to mediapersons after a CPP meeting on March 31, she said: "All these questions will be considered after the AICC meeting."
However, on April 4, in her first semi-formal interaction with the media after the elections, Sonia said that she regretted having agreed to the candidature in the Rajya Sabha elections of two persons from the Congress(I) who had only recently been defeated in the Lok Sabha elections. "I have decided not to do it again," she told reporters.
It was clear that "the action phase" was likely to begin only after the AICC formally ratified Sonia Gandhi's appointment as party president and CPP chairperson. However, the party hierarchy seemed clueless about the nature of the changes she was likely to bring about. The only indication that came from her was a statement about bringing in "younger faces" to occupy important positions.
However, three broad trends have been evident since the time she took over as party chief. The first relates to her almost sedate style of functioning, which indicates that she is not in a hurry to make a decisive impact on either the national political scene or the party. A second noticeable aspect is her continued dependence on apolitical associates such as Vincent George, secretary to both her and her late husband Rajiv Gandhi for many years, although she now occupies positions that require greater interaction with political personalities. The third trend relates to the signals that are being sent out by many regional leaders that they are not overawed by the new representative of the Nehru-Gandhi family. The third factor suggests that Sonia Gandhi will have only less initial leeway with the party hierarchy than in the case of Rajiv Gandhi.
Apart from her seeming resolve not to take any major decisions regarding organisational changes until the conclusion of the AICC meeting, there was one more indicator of her unhurried approach. Before the Atal Behari Vajpayee Government won the vote of confidence in Parliament, a section of the Congress(I), which included the party's leader in the Lok Sabha, Sharad Pawar, had put forward a proposal to try and win over parties and MPs from the BJP-led coalition side and defeat the motion of confidence. Pawar had apparently established links with All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) leader Jayalalitha and a group of MPs from the northeastern States. He also used his proximity to former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar in order to engineer the defection of four Haryana Lok Dal (HLD) MPs who supported the BJP Government. (Chandra Shekhar is close to HLD leader Om Prakash Chauthala.)
However, Sonia is reported to have struck down this proposal, saying that it would not be advisable to form a government through skulduggery. According to sources, she made it clear that her primary concern was to set the party right, win back the support of its traditional mass base and strive to form a legitimate government at a later stage.
By all indications, she was also not overly concerned about the failure to achieve a consensus to get P.A. Sangma elected Lok Sabha Speaker. Her reaction was that the BJP had exposed its true character by promising something first and acting against it later.
Although Sonia's stand on the twin issues of government formation and the election of the Speaker has been criticised within the party as one devoid of pragmatism, the criticism was neither vocal nor strong, essentially on account of the traditional deference to authority in the Congress(I).
Sonia Gandhi's dependence on apolitical personalities has also been a subject of criticism within the party. Many senior leaders believe that she cannot afford to remain inaccessible after becoming the party's leader. One of the complaints is that she is not open to suggestions from leaders. The two exceptions to this seem to be Arjun Singh and Oscar Fernandes, who reportedly interact with her on a day-to-day basis.
The sidelining of established leaders is so complete that even preparations for the AICC meeting were being supervised by people such as Vincent George. According to a former Congress Working Committee (CWC) member, the importance given by these apolitical personalities to Sonia Gandhi's personal security and her needs and comforts had resulted in converting the AICC session into a unique, sanitised affair where political content and representation of party workers appeared to be the least important issues.
The assertion of regional leaders becomes important in the context of these privately aired reservations. The criticism of the decision to nominate Santosh Mohan Deb and Oscar Fernandes as Rajya Sabha candidates is an indication that they may not hesitate to revolt if they feel that their interests are not being looked after. The realisation that neither the Congress(I) as a party nor the representative of the Nehru-Gandhi family wields political power will only embloden Congress president Sonia Gandhi at the Congress Working Committee meeting on March 14.the regional leaders.
Under these circumstances, Sonia Gandhi will have to tread cautiously while tackling the issue of dissension in the party's regional units. Trouble has already erupted in the party in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. In Madhya Pradesh, Chief Minister Digvijay Singh has become the target of attack; in Rajasthan, the situation has worsened to such an extent that former Union Minister Balram Jhakhar was manhandled at the State party office. Jhakhar was assaulted on the basis of allegations that he worked against the party candidate in Sikar and ensured his defeat.
On the positive side, Sonia Gandhi appears to have sensed the extent of power wielded by regional leaders. The committees that were formed to look into the party's poor electoral performances in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Delhi have a fair representation of these leaders. Some of those trying to make a comeback within the party through these committees include Rajesh Pilot and Motilal Vohra, who were sidelined when Sitaram Kesri headed the party.
If Sonia Gandhi continues with this approach of accommodating the interests of various groups in the process of restructuring the organisation, she can hope to win the confidence of the regional leaders. However, the general mood in the party is one of apprehension, with leaders believing that apolitical personalities and loyalists such as Arjun Singh may misguide her. Sonia Gandhi will succeed in her efforts to gain greater control over the party only if she dispels this impression.
The re-organisation of the party set-up is expected to display a disinclination to favour Kesri loyalists. Almost all the leaders considered close to Kesri, including Pranab Mukherjee, Tariq Anwar and R.K. Dhawan, have been sidelined since Sonia took control of the party. The demotion of Pranab Mukherjee from the position of leader of the party in the Rajya Sabha is a clear indication of this. Kesri's supporters are apprehensive that Sonia Gandhi will go to the extent of removing Dhawan and Anwar from the CWC after the AICC meeting.
The leaders who are on a strong wicket now are Arjun Singh and Oscar Fernandes. Madhavrao Scindia is also on relatively good terms with 10 Janpath despite his earlier proximity to Kesri. Sharad Pawar's strength within the CPP works as a check against any further downgrading of his position. By all indications, Sonia Gandhi is reconciled to accepting Pawar as a significant force in the party.
After the AICC meeting, Sonia Gandhi's actions should be guided by the sentiments expressed by her while addressing party MPs on March 16, the day she was elected CPP chairperson. That day she emphasised the need to maintain the unity of the party and work at the grassroots level to win back the affection of the people. But will she succeed in implementing these suggestions? The answer for this is in the realm of conjecture.
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