For an alternative with a programme

A.B. Bardhan who was re-elected general secretary of the Communist Party of India at its 18th Congress, spoke to R. Krishnakumar on a variety of issues: Excerpts from the interview:

How far has the CPI fulfilled the tasks it set for itself at the last congress held in Chennai in 1998?

We have been worried about that. In fact, at this congress, 'non-implementation of major decisions' was one of the main questions that we discussed. Also, a lack of militancy and fighting spirit, which is there on the Left, including our party, of course. We think that this is because the ideological and political levels have declined. This is the root cause of the non-implementation of decisions, and also a certain lack of revolutionary spirit. Therefore we have decided that organisationally the main task would be a sort of rectification and activisation of the party and the raising of its ideological and political levels.

After the Chennai congress, the CPI had said that the Congress(I) had a major role to play in dislodging the Bharatiya Janata Party from power and was ready to offer it issue-based support. What exactly is the party's stand now?

There is no change in our stand. But at the same time, we do not think that restoration of Congress(I) rule is the way out. That being the case, an alternative to both the BJP and the Congress(I) has to be worked out. There might be certain exceptional occasions when, the BJP being the main target, we may have to extend support (to the Congress(I)). I admit that this sometimes leads to some confusion. But to an extent the Indian situation itself is very complicated. And there is hardly any simple solution to our problem. Suppose at the Centre a government has to be formed and there is no clear majority for either our alternative, the Front that we have, or the Congress(I), there might have to be an exploration of some way out of it. But these would necessarily be temporary and intermediate steps.

What is the CPI's view about the alternative at the Centre?

The alternative that we are talking about is something that we conceive as a Front emerging with a programme, through a people's movement and based on common, people's issues.

What do you think are the factors acting against communist unity?

I think a certain lack of realisation among communist ranks, or, I would say, with the Indian communist movement about the need for unity. There is no comparison at all between the situation in India and the situation in the Himalayan state of Nepal. But I should congratulate the communists of such a backward country like Nepal on overcoming their differences and coming up with a powerful party. The two situations are not comparable. But I am only mentioning the question of realisation they had and the realisation which has to come among Indian communists. Besides, there are matters of differences that have historical roots, which I think, at least some of it, can be left to history itself. But certainly on issues of programme, application of Marxist-Leninist ideology to specific Indian conditions, and organisation of principles and practices there can be debate, or I would say a friendly dialogue, to sort out these matters.

There is a view that moves to forge Communist unity might eventually prove detrimental to the CPI's need to strengthen its own support base, given that it has the same policies as that of the CPI(M) and it is trying, simultaneously, to build a separate platform of Left, secular and democratic forces along with the CPI(M).

I don't think it will lead to a deterioration in our ranks. Instead, because of this our ranks will be further activated and will become more determined to work for the causes. Actually, joint action on people's demands on national and international issues has narrowed the differences very much and created an objective condition for unity on a principled basis which will of course take some time. We are in no hurry except for the urgency of the situation.

Does your call for communist unity apply to the various naxalite groups too?

The CPI and the CPI(M) being the two main groups, it is their coming closer together that will determine the pace of others also joining. But, in the case of others, more time will be required for common perceptions to emerge because their outlook has wide differences on several political and tactical issues.

What is the party's assessment about the erosion of its bases in many parts of the country?

The erosion has been a phenomenon arising from two factors. One is an objective factor, namely the rise of communal and casteist forces which have to some extent disrupted class unity. The second is a subjective factor, namely our lack of vigilance and over failure in countering these divisive factors and defending class unity. The dialectical unity between class unity along with the struggle for social justice and against all forms of discrimination based on caste, or religion or gender has to be realised both in theory and in practice.

Although your party identifies "stagnation in membership" as a major problem, it says it will not renew the membership of "inactive members".

We think our first job is to activate our ranks and involve all of them in the struggle. That is a basic organisational principle of the Communist Party. But in the course of time, some members have become chronically inactive. They can act as a drag and prevent the entry of new members and cadre. So it is not a question of throwing out such people. It is more a question of opening the door to really worthy people, especially from the youth and the weaker sections of society.

What is the CPI's view on alliances with regional parties?

Regional parties are a fact of life. So they have to be taken into account, from State to State. Naturally, it depends on their approach towards secularism and economic issues. We shall strive to attract them towards the 'alternative'.

So, the basic requirement will be whether they subscribe to your policy on secularism and economic issues.

It should not be thought that we are imposing any conformity. That is not our intention or the party's stand. It is a question of their realising through experience and the reaction of the masses to developments in the country or the region.

When the CPI says its political line should not be equated with its electoral tactics, is it saying its electoral tactics can be at variance with its political line?

No, the electoral tactics has to follow the political line. All that it means is that there is no uniformity in the country as far as parties and policies are concerned. There are more than 40 regional parties and they certainly have their areas of influence. At the same time there are some parties that have influence at the national level. Therefore, in the matter of electoral tactics, all these diverse aspects have to be taken into account.

How do you plan to address the problem of "class unity being disrupted by caste divide"?

We have to bring about a sort of unity between both the aspects. Uniting them as a class against the exploiters and fighting social oppression and discrimination by the privileged sections against the underprivileged.

There is a new awakening among the underprivileged sections of Indian society, which are becoming politically active on their own. What is the CPI's view about such new movements?

In one sense these movements are positive signs that these sections, dormant for centuries, are awakening to their needs of development and growth and fighting for acquiring them. This is positive. But there is another aspect, namely, that it leads many times to exclusiveness and to keeping away from other sections of the same mass or class.