On May 31, Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde proclaimed that Ahmednagar district would henceforth be known as Ahilya Nagar. This decision, made on the 298th birth anniversary of 18th-century queen Ahilyabai Holkar, holds significant political implications. This is the third district that has been renamed in the State in the past year. Aurangabad was changed to Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, and Osmanabad to Dharashiv.
Changing place names has long been a political manoeuvre employed by those in power. However, in the current climate of minority marginalisation, the renaming of locations associated with a Muslim identity takes on a distinct tone of majoritarian politics. The decision to rename Aurangabad and Osmanabad was originally made by the previous Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) government led by Uddhav Thackeray, but it was cancelled by the Shinde government on the grounds that the outgoing government “lacked a majority”. But soon, the government renamed Aurangabad and Osmanabad as Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar and Dharashiv.
The reaction of MVA leaders to the renaming trend has at best been muted, cautious about playing into the hands of the Shiv Sena (Shinde)-BJP government. Opposing the renaming of Ahmednagar could provide an opportunity for the Shiv Sena (Shinde)-BJP alliance to accuse the MVA of engaging in Muslim appeasement politics. Secondly, there are concerns surrounding regional pride and caste dynamics.
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Who is Ahilyadevi?
The Holkar family, to which Ahilyabai Holkar belonged, hailed from Chondi in Ahmednagar’s Jamkhed tehsil. Although Ahilyabi spent her entire political career in Indore, Madhya Pradesh, the people of Maharashtra share a connection and affinity with the three prominent families of Maratha Empire generals from the 18th century—the Holkars, the Shindes (now Scindia of Gwalior), and the Pawars of Dhar, Madhya Pradesh. These families, among others, ruled parts of North India during the Maratha Empire’s zenith.
In the 17th and 18th centuries, the Maratha army comprised individuals from various castes and religions, with the Holkars considered as Marathas. However, the caste of the Holkars today is Dhangar, a shepherd community. This community holds significant electoral influence in seven Lok Sabha and 40 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra. Hence, renaming Ahmednagar as Ahilya Nagar can be seen as an attempt to appeal to the Dhangar community in the name of upholding regional pride.
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The Dhangar community has always been crucial to the BJP’s social engineering in Maharashtra. In pre-2014 times, the BJP relied on the MADHAV formula, which involved cultivating support from specific OBC castes: MA representing Mali (a gardening community), DHA representing Dhangar, and VA representing Vanjari. However, cracks have emerged in the BJP’s original MADHAV formula. By renaming Ahmednagar the party hopes to solidify its original voter base.
Ahilyabai Holkar, a progressive queen of the Indore state in her time, established schools, conducted extensive experiments in irrigation, and treated all her subjects, including Muslims, equally. However, certain Hindu right-wing groups have seized upon her legacy of building temples in Kashi (present-day Varanasi) and other places to project her as a champion of Hindutva. Thus, when making the announcement, Shinde referred to Ahilyabai’s significant role in “Dharma Rakshan” (securing religion).
Majoritarian politics at play
The act of renaming these districts aligns with a broader trend of majoritarian politics attempting to depict Muslim rulers as cruel and anti-Hindu while intentionally neglecting the cultural legacies associated with these names.
Ahmednagar city was founded by the first Nizam Shah Ahmed I in 1494, establishing the Nizam Shahi dynasty. This dynasty, run by King Shahaji, the father of King Shivaji in the early 16th century, aimed to unite all Deccan sultanates against aggression from North India, particularly the Mughals. The Mughal ruler Shah Jahan eventually conquered the Nizam Shahi in 1636.
Similarly, Aurangabad, now renamed as Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar, was established by Malik Ambar, the chief of the Nizam Shahi army. Initially named Khadki, the city was later renamed Aurangabad after the death of Mughal King Aurangzeb in 1707. Osmanabad derived its name from Mir Osman Ali Khan, the last Nizam of Hyderabad’s Nizam state. It remained a part of the Nizam state until 1948, when India defeated the Nizam in a police action.
“Ahilyabai Holkar, a progressive queen of the Indore state in her time, established schools, conducted extensive experiments in irrigation, and treated all her subjects, including Muslims, equally.”
The Shiv Sena (Shinde)-BJP government’s renaming spree reflects its anticipation that the Hindu majority will respond favourably in the upcoming elections. It is clear that Hindutva will be the primary card of the BJP, be it the the construction of the Ram Temple or contentious issues like Love Jehad and religious conversions of Hindu girls to Islam, the erasure of Mughal history from school curricula, or the renaming of cities associated with Muslim rulers.
What are the implications?
The implications of this renaming trend are twofold. First, how Muslims perceive this political manoeuvring is of great importance. Secondly, whether the Dhangar community will respond positively to this move during elections remains to be seen.
Frontline spoke with several Muslim scholars to gauge their views on the name changes. Abul Kadar Mukadam, a Marathi author, believes that changing names will not empower the Dhangar community and suggests that the government should instead focus on empowering them economically. “It’s time Hindu brethren decided whether they want to be fooled by such optics. Wise Hindus must reject this fundamentalism,” he said.
Sarfaraj Ahmed, a young scholar, considers changing Muslim names to be a dangerous idea. He argues that erasing these cultural symbols could leave Indian Muslims feeling marginalised and inclined to seek symbols from Arab or Turkish cultures, potentially leading to societal division and fragmentation.
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According to Sameer Dilawar Shaikh, a young journalist from Pune, there is a deliberate attempt to erase Muslims from shared cultural identities. While Muslims may be excluded from political and social landscapes, their representation in Bollywood and architecture still persists. Attacks on Bollywood and city renaming are seen as attacks on India’s shared cultural identity.
The Dhangar community shares similarities with the Kuruba community in Karnataka. As Karnataka’s new Chief Minister, Siddaramaiah, hails from the Kuruba community, reports emerged of various groups within Maharashtra’s Dhangar community celebrating the Karnataka election results.
Political observer Prakash Powar believes that the decision to rename Ahmednagar as Ahilya Nagar will help the Shiv Sena (Shinde)-BJP government consolidate support from the Dhangar community. However, senior political commentator Vijay Chormare contends that if the MVA opposition can effectively address people’s concerns and focus on real issues such as unemployment and inflation, the BJP’s strategic moves may not yield the desired effects.
