THE Congress(I) and the Nationalist Trinamul Congress (NTC) and the sections of the media that are sympathetic to them insist that electoral malpractices alone keep the Commuist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front (L.F.) in power in West Bengal. This, however, not only is an oversimplification, but also betrays a `grapes are sour' mentality. There are electoral irregularities in West Bengal as in any other State, but the continuance of nearly three-decades-old, uninterrupted L.F. rule cannot be explained away so easily.
A senior CPI(M) leader told Frontline: "There is indeed an anti-incumbency factor. Look at the inroads that the Opposition has made in the cities. But our gains in rural Bengal are so substantial and solid that they cannot dislodge us. Further, when Jyoti Basu stepped down in favour of the younger Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the people wanted to give the new incumbent an opportunity and no doubt he has not failed them."
A senior bureaucrat in the State held a different view: "Of course there is an anti-incumbency sentiment as anywhere else. But there is no Opposition leader to crystallise this into votes. The public expectation in Mamata Banerjee's leadership was frustrated by her political somersaults, and the Congress(I), though it has been garnering a substantial percentage of votes, is yet to throw up a charismatic leader acceptable to all factions."
The Opposition also makes a mistake in thinking that the CPI(M) has been flogging the old horse of land reforms and democratic decentralisation. It is not often understood that land reform is not a one-time measure, like clothes distributed during floods. It is a redistribution of assets worth crores of rupees; about 10 lakh acres (four lakh hectares) of agricultural land has been redistributed. Moreover, landholding is a major indicator of status and dignity in all rural societies. A landless labourer is regarded almost as a `non-person'. Therefore, the distribution of land has transformed manikins into men and gives them a new dignity in life.
Bani Tudu is a teacher in a village school in Berenda Gram Panchayat in Bardhaman district. She said: "We are all tribal people here in this village (Laikini Para). Earlier all of us, especially women, were landless and timid. But thanks to the CPI(M) we have our own land and can be proud of ourselves. Where we used to walk on mud, we now have roads. Most importantly, the party gave us pride and confidence."
The loyalty of the people of rural Bengal to the L.F. is unflinching and handed down to the next generation. The land reforms initiated by the late CPI(M) leader Harekrishna Konar during the tenure of the United Front government of 1969-70 ushered in a new era involving social changes in the rural areas, spread of education and literacy being one of the most visible ones. In Jadavganj village in the Bolpur constituency represented by eminent parliamentarian Somnath Chatterjee, Utpal Besra is a graduate preparing for School Service Commission examinations. His father, who is practically illiterate, belongs to the first generation to benefit from the land reforms. "I want to teach in a high school, and work among the children of villages," Besra told Frontline.
In Bhalki village of Bardhaman district, women, guided by CPI(M) workers, have formed self-help groups to make themselves financially independent and self-reliant. Gaining in confidence, the women of the village even waged a successful battle against their husbands' habit of drinking. "Our men have stopped drinking now," said Jhumri Misra of the village.
Moreover, the change of power structure in rural society has also been reflected in the class composition of the elected panchayats, which have a large representation of the rural poor and women. This acquisition of asset, power and dignity is not something that the rural poor are willing to forget easily by counter-propaganda.
It is also noteworthy that West Bengal has never had any catastrophe - natural or man-made - where the administration has failed to make a timely response. It is a known fact that many potential communal conflicts are nipped in the bud at the local level itself. This points to the excellent organisational network which the Left Front, especially the CPI(M), has built over the years. It is helpful not only in administering relief, and organising protests and rallies, but also in mobilising public opinion, especially among the poor, many of whom do not have access to the mainstream media. The organisational network has enhanced the reputation and popularity of the party and the government among the local people through various constructive activities.
Whereas agriculture - cultivation of rice and potato - was the main source of sustenance for the rural masses earlier, the government has over the years, through persistent persuasion, been able to convince them of the advantages of diversification. By encouraging alternate cropping and other means of livelihood like pisciculture and the making of bamboo products, more cash has come into the hands of the rural masses of West Bengal. In particularly impoverished communities, the party even provides free netting and livestock.
"One of the reasons why the anti-incumbency factor does not work here is that we have not allowed ourselves to become the establishment. The people of West Bengal realise that we do not represent state power, rather the people themselves," Uday Sarkar, the Zilla Parishad Sabhadhipati of Bardhaman district told Frontline.
The party's work in Bardhaman district, which is arguably the strongest CPI(M) bastion in the State, is an example of how it has been able to establish its presence all over rural Bengal and retain its position for nearly three decades. In every nook and cranny of the district, the CPI(M)'s presence is felt in some form or the other. The Krishak Sabha (farmers' association) membership in the district is 19 lakhs, the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) 12.3 lakhs, the Students Federation of India 2.1 lakhs and the All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA) 5.4 lakhs. "Although party membership is not that large, the CPI(M)'s participation in mass organisations is huge. Even in organisations that appear non-political, the party's presence is there," Amal Haldar, secretary of the CPI(M)'s Bardhaman district committee, told Frontline.
The foreign origin of Sonia Gandhi is of much less interest to people than the impact of large-scale disinvestment and continuously falling interest rates. The last two phenomena have disillusioned the urban segments. A vast section of the urban middle class in Bengal has been affected by the continuous reduction in the interest rate of deposits in commercial banks. Even the victims of disinvestment who were partly compensated by voluntary retirement schemes (VRS) saw to their dismay that their returns by way of interest on savings were dwindling rapidly. The L.F. has been systematically opposing indiscriminate disinvestment and reduction in interest rates. The Congress(I)'s response is ambivalent. Being the pioneer of liberalisation, the party cannot oppose it seriously. So even in the urban areas, where the NTC and the Congress(I) held sway, the edge of the anti-incumbency factor has been blunted.
