The European quest

Published : Mar 16, 2002 00:00 IST

The European Union undertakes a sweeping assessment of its functioning and its institutions in order to prepare a blueprint for Europe.

THE members of the Convention on the future of Europe could feel that they are making history. Although not a Constituent Assembly, the forum would pave the way for a Constitution for Europe, as its Chairman, former French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing, said in his opening address at its first meeting, held in Brussels on February 27. At least 20 more meetings are to be held over the next year and a half. The Convention will prepare an interim report in June and present the final report at the European Union (E.U.) summit scheduled for June 2003 in Athens.

Some 105 delegates representing the 15 national governments and parliaments within the E.U., the European Commission and the European Parliament, besides representatives without voting rights from the 13 'candidate' countries that are in line for full membership of the E.U. by 2004, attended the Convention. (The E.U.'s membership is due to expand to 25 countries, with the bulk of the new entrants coming from the former Communist bloc.)

Reform of the E.U.'s structures to accommodate a much-enlarged Union is a major issue before the Convention as it sets to work on the recommendations to be placed before the conference of member-governments in 2003. The aim of the Convention was defined at the Laeken summit in December as one of designing new structures for the E.U. in view of its proposed expansion.

About the delegates, Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission, remarked: "Every country has sent its best, first class personalities, many of whom have immense experience of Europe. The Convention will be truly independent, with 105 minds from all over Europe."

The E.U. has just entered a qualitatively new dimension in its integration process with the euro becoming legal tender from January 1 in 12 of the 15 member-countries. Barriers to the free movement of people, capital and services have been dismantled progressively. Even as the old national currencies became memorabilia by February-end, Prodi declared, "The moment has arrived for our people to define the reasons for our being together." The Convention is now to deal with the political aspects of European integration, while its place in history will be judged by how it makes possible the formation of a political community as visualised half a century ago by the founders of the European project.

The Treaty of Rome of 1957, which established the European Economic Community (EEC), says in its preamble that the signatory countries are "determined to establish the foundations of an ever closer union of the European peoples". An earlier treaty, which created the European Coal and Steel Community, a precursor to the EEC, specifically foresees the eventual creation of a European political community. Said d'Estaing: "If our labours are crowned with success, then in the medium term it would completely change the role of Europe in the world. In 30 years it will be respected as a political power equal to the greatest political powers on our planet." Pat Cox, President of the European Parliament, described the Convention as a "decisive and revolutionary phase" for democracy in Europe.

Progress has been more difficult in the political sphere in view of the issues that have caused tensions and divisions among member-states. At the Nice summit in 2000, E.U. leaders called for a wide-ranging debate on the future shape of the Union. The Laeken summit decided on the Convention, which would look into four major areas: the ways to divide responsibilities and competence between the E.U. and the member-states; the simplification of European treaties; on integrating into E.U. law the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which was endorsed at the Nice summit; and the role of national parliaments within the E.U.

It is the first time that the E.U. has undertaken such a sweeping assessment of its functioning and of its institutions in order to prepare a blueprint for Europe. The drive to reform also comes at a time when the E.U. has been increasingly acquiring an image of being distant from its citizens. Being a 'supranational' entity with a large bureaucracy has helped reinforce the impression of the E.U. as a bureaucratic, non-transparent entity with little meaning for the average citizen.

THE Convention's place in history as the harbinger of a European Constitution is, however, not yet assured. It is being compared to other constituent assemblies in the history of nations, but this is another political context in time. For one, since the time the idea of Europe as "a union of peoples and states" was conceived in the 1950s, both the pro- and anti-federalist camps have gained strength. France, Germany and the Benelux countries (Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg) are among the pro-federalists. They want more power for the E.U. in Brussels and less power for individual countries to veto decisions. They are also for a constitution and a strong common foreign policy. Among the anti-federalists, Britain, which has not yet adopted the euro, is the strongest opponent of surrendering sovereignty to Brussels. Sweden and Denmark are the two other countries that remain outside the euro.

At the moment when the Convention comes into being, there is hardly any government, except those in Germany and in the Benelux countries, that is keen to give up power to the E.U. In this situation, the coming elections in some countries are likely to have a major bearing on the work of the Convention. Britain is expected to hold a referendum early next year on joining the euro. The German elections later this year could bring back to power the alliance of the conservatives - Christian Democrats and the Christian Social Union - reviving pressures in the country to adopt a more nationalist line on the E.U.

Western Europe is currently undergoing a substantial shift to the political Right, and this is accompanied by the growth of scepticism about integration. Governments considered 'Eurosceptic' are in power in Italy, Denmark, Austria and Spain. Italy, which has for long been among the most pro-European, now has a ruling coalition composed of the right-wing National Alliance and the Northern League led by Umberto Bossi, who has often voiced his opposition to European integration. Italy's anti-Europe stance was highlighted recently through the resignation of its Foreign Minister, Renato Ruggeiro, after sharp differences with Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi over the government's Europe policy. Renato was known for his pro-European profile and had earlier threatened to resign when the Italian government opposed the E.U.'s proposal for a pan-European arrest warrant. Things came to a head with the government's lukewarm reception to the euro, and the anti-Europe postures of some of Ruggeiro's Cabinet colleagues (Frontline, February 1, 2002).

While the Right exudes Euroscepticism, support for a European construction comes from the political Left, as social scientist Ralf Dhrendorf points out. For many in the Left, Europe today represents the hope of defending a social model that is an alternative to market fundamentalism. From this perspective, it is a bulwark against the new economic orthodoxy facilitated by the United States' worldwide dominance and propagated by institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. By and large the Left, including the Social Democrats, are for the defence of Europe's common resolutions, such as the social policy of the E.U., and for the protection of employment and the welfare state.

The euro's arrival, when the U.S. was caught in an economic downturn, held out the promise that it would be a rival to the dollar's global domination. Many Europeans feel that Europe has been unable to take advantage of the U.S.' recent crisis to challenge its political and military hegemony, because Europe lacks geopolitical weight. The E.U. is yet to develop a comprehensive foreign and defence policy.

The problem concerns Europe's political role in the world, which supporters of integration believe no one state can handle. Analysts also point to the new challenges posed by the enlargement of the E.U. The prospect of more countries from the East joining the E.U. has set off a sense of insecurity, leading perhaps to a tendency to assert national and ethnic identities.

The Convention will address the question of Europe's role in the world. According to d'Estaing, if it takes up to 30 years for Europe to affirm itself as a political power, it is not too long considering that almost the same time separates the present from the time the European project was first conceived.

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