A saffron offensive

The Sangh Parivar's media offensive against secular writers and intellectuals in Kerala reflects the growing stridency and influence of communal voices within the State.

COLLEGE magazines in Kerala, a dime a dozen, hardly make any impact outside the campus walls except when they merit a mention for excellence in printing and design. However, now the insidious content of a few of these publications is causing disquiet in the State, as the student community is increasingly puppeteered by communal, fascist forces, which are eager to spread their divisive agenda. Recently, secular Kerala was outraged by the unabashed communal colouring of a college annual meant to represent the multi-religious student population of the NSS Hindu College, Changanassery, under the Kottayam-based Mahatma Gandhi University.

The magazine, named Pranavam, in a scathing attack against the minorities, particularly Muslims, carried a bold dedication under a collage of photographs of the dead in Godhra: "To Bharatamba's brave sons, who are being annihilated by terrorists in the name of jehad."

One of its articles "Growing terrorism and the Godhra incident", quotes the Koran out of context and alleges "that the Godhra incident is an illustration of the rotten side of Islam influencing a people", in order to argue that the massacre at Godhra was the direct result of a people being misguided by the holy book.

A feature titled "Nationalism and National Reconstruction" carries the photograph of a Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) activist participating in a drill. The article defines nationalism as the "thousands of years of history and culture of this nation" and says that the solution to the ills affecting India is to allow "Bharat's real nationalism" to seep into every aspect of life in the country. The inaugural essay, "Vande Vivekananda", argues that what India needs today is "spiritual nationalism" and equates Vivekananda with M.S. Golwalker, V.D. Savarkar and K.B. Hedgevar, as people who held such an opinion. The article `Saffronisation... Indianisation' claims that saffronisation is "a matter of the soul of India" and that those who oppose it are frightened about the return of "Indian culture" and that they are in fact deriding "India's sanyasins, their sacrifices and selflessness".

Another article, "Kashmir: Call back the doves", claims that Section 370 of the Constitution, which bestows special status on Jammu and Kashmir, is an illustration "of the cancer called minority appeasement that has affected this country and its politicians". It argues that "Jawaharlal Nehru became the role model for latter-day politicians in India on the subject of minority appeasement through his vision of a secular India, which he used as a short cut to power."

An essay on RSS founder Hedgewar, titled "Doctorji, the brave visionary desabhimani", argues the need of an organisation like the RSS and details its formation. It claims that the RSS is the largest such organisation in the world and says that India's Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were "samaj sevaks" who had risen through the ranks of the RSS.

Interestingly, Pranavam carries the photographs of President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat and Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani. It acknowledges President Kalam for his `scientific talent', Shekhawat for his `experience' and Advani for his `vision of the future'. There is no mention of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee.

Among the people whom the journal "remembers'' includes RSS `Pradhama Prantha Pracharak' Bhaskar Rao, Congress(I) leader Madhavrao Scindia who is described as "the great son of that rajmata who is a confluence of Kshatriya power and democratic power", and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader A.K. Gopalan, who is but "the great man who raised the voice of `sanatana samskruti' during the Temple Entry struggle, the one who symbolised `aarsha darsana', a vision that goes much beyond communism".

Such a magazine would usually have been ignored as just another instance of uncontained youthful exuberance, an offshoot of the intense "politicisation" of campuses in Kerala. But Pranavam, the handiwork of student activists belonging to the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) in a mainstream college run by the Nair Service Society, has become notorious for its bigoted writings and malevolence towards non-Hindus. Significantly, it reflects the alarming spread of communal thinking in Kerala society and the dissemination of mainstream Hindutva ideology inside and through campuses.

A signature trend that is visible in all such writings is the pointed attempt to denigrate secular individuals, writers, social critics, human rights activists and intellectuals who have been in the vanguard of the fight against communalism in all its hues. For example, an article in Pranavam disparages Paul Zacharia, writer, columnist and social critic and a critical commentator of the Hindutva brigade and communalism in all its facets. Titled "Zachariyayude vikriyakal" ("The mischief of Zacharia"), it is a vicious attempt - part of a trend in Kerala today - to brand and deride whoever opposes the blatantly communalistic fervour of the Hindu Right. Zacharia, whose incisive denunciation of the hijacking by the Sangh Parivar of the platforms provided by Hindu religious leaders such as Mata Amritanandamayi and Chenkottukonam Swami and the probable implications of the Coimbatore bomb blasts in his columns had incurred the wrath of Hindu communalists as never before, is accused in vituperative terms of being a "Christian communalist" and an "anti-national".

A few excerpts from the article: "Zacharia's vulture-like eyes are roaming over the traditions of Bharat. His potent nostrils are wide open whenever there is a foul smell outside the confines of his own religion... We should not allow this man to denigrate our culture and traditions any longer. Why is Zacharia failing to see what happens at (Christian institutions like) Pota (a charismatic centre) and Pious Tenth Convent? This question exposes Zacharia's love for his own religion... No longer must we abstain from exposing the truth before society that Zacharia and Arundhati Roy are but the mediums of a big mission. We should oppose a fraud like Zacharia ideologically. We should not hesitate to tell the world who is trying to implement real fascism. Zacharia is today ready to be the sacrificial hen, to be anti-Indian. The stunt-man that he is, it is said that he once wanted to be a priest at his local church at Urulikkunnam. Even today he exhibits that wish indirectly..."

The content of such college magazines, leaflets and flyers promoted by communal groups on campuses could be mistaken easily for articles and news reports appearing regularly in Malayalam newspapers such as Janmabhoomi, Kesari and Punyabhoomi, sponsored by the Bharatiya Janata Party, the RSS, and the Viswa Hindu Parishad (VHP) respectively. For example, a recent editorial page article in Janmabhoomi soon after the release of the college magazine is titled `Zacharia should be prosecuted for anti- national crimes' and is a condensed version of the themes in the NSS College journal and earlier articles in the same newspaper, including, significantly, a crass personal attack headlined, "Zachariyayude Kovalam Kathakal" ("Zacharia's Kovalam Stories").

The latest article in Janmabhoomi states: "Maybe because of his Sunday school learning that all those who do not believe in Christ are sinners and such people should not be allowed to prevail, he (Zacharia) goes raving angry whenever he hears the word Hindutva..." It is the fashion of Muslim terrorist groups today to use mercenary writers to fabricate lies and stamp out the light of truth... Zacharia has now come forward to state that the Coimbatore blasts were organised by Advani and the RSS. By raising such a barefaced lie, this man from Urulikkunnam has gained the admiration of international terrorists... Zacharia's opposition to Sangh Parivar organisations cannot be brushed aside as mere ramblings of a mad brain steeped in communalism. This gentleman was the one who issued a directive that nobody should share a platform with the Sangh Parivar, soon after the BJP came to power... Now he is pretending to be the apostle of secularism... But how can we remain mere spectators when some people are ready to dance to the tunes of international terrorism and sabotage national interests and create communal violence? ... Zacharia should either be subjected to psychiatric treatment or, if his statements are intentional, he should be prosecuted for anti-national activities and for inciting communal hatred."

There have been vindictive attacks against other secular personalities too. Another campus magazine in Calicut University has become controversial for its unprovoked, slanderous attack against the Vice-Chancellor of the Sanskrit University, Kaladi, and former Professor of History at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Dr. K.N. Panikkar. It attributes motives to Panikkar's consistent campaign against the Hindu Right and attempts to discredit him as a secular intellectual. His recent visit to Gujarat and the series of lectures against communalism that he gave in Kerala have been variously described as "attempts to appease the Muslim League" (a major partner in the ruling coalition in Kerala), "an attempt to hold on to his position (as Vice-Chancellor)" and as an "example of the difference between the public posture of intellectuals and their private agendas."

The latest in such seemingly isolated instances of deriding "enemy" intellectuals is the series of criticism in Sangh Parivar publications against the decision of the Kerala government's Department of Culture to present the `Ezhuthachhan Puraskaram', an award instituted in memory of the father of modern Malayalam language, to writer Kamala Surayya, whose high-profile conversion to Islam has not been looked upon kindly by Hindu fundamentalists.

In a caustic statement soon after the announcement of the award, Bharatiya Vichara Kendra director P. Parameswaran questioned the propriety of giving the award to Kamala Surayya, on the grounds that "the person who is selected for such an award should have some similarity in life, values, activities and contributions with the one in whose name the award is instituted". A similar statement was issued by P. Narayana Kurup, president of `Tapasya', another Sangh Parivar cultural front. The argument is that "Ezhuthachhan was not merely a poet but the father of modern Malayalam language and the proponent of the Bhakti movement in Kerala''. Therefore presenting the Ezhuthachhan Award to Kamala Surayya "was as incongruous as giving an award in the name of a pre-eminent proponent of Islam to Salman Rushdie or Taslima Nasreen."

Janmabhoomi criticised the decision in an article headlined `Pativrata Puraskaram Vasavadattakko?' (`Chastity Award to Vasavadatta?'). The article, which was carried on page one on November 7, described the decision as "an effort to appease the Muslim community, which has been instigated by (People's Democratic Party leader) Abdul Nasir Maudany (see Frontline November 8, 2002) and other Muslim fundamentalists to rise in protest against the Antony government." Further, it said: "It is a short cut to appease Muslim fundamentalists and communalists who are using Kamala Das, who converted to Islam and became `Kamala Surrayya', as a weapon to implement their own agenda. They (those in government) are trying to use Ezhuthachhan and the old Madhavikkutty as a cover to escape the wrath of Maudany."

THE intense backlash that came in the wake of the articles did put Sangh Parivar leaders on the defensive; Parameswaran stated that trying to portray his criticism as being incited by Surayya's religious conversion "was a mischievous way of avoiding the real issue" and that "he was not against change of religion... if it was voluntary." However, Parivar-sponsored publications soon launched a scathing assault on anyone who dared to criticise Parameswaran's statements (including Kerala Sahitya Akademi chairman M.T. Vasudevan Nair and litterateur Sukumar Azhikode) and a coarse, embarrassingly personal, communal attack against Kamala Surayya herself. Jnanpith Award winner Vasudevan Nair suddenly became a "rascal who was out to help in the dismantling of the great tradition of Ezhuthachhan" and was accused of "intentionally destroying the symbols of a great (Indian) tradition" through his acclaimed re-inventions of characters borrowed from mythology and folklore and of "denying O.V. Vijayan the Jnanpith Award" last year by being a silent member in the committee that decided in favour of Indira Goswami.

It is well known that Kerala is one of the main targets of Hindu communal forces, which have been consistently trying to extend their influence in the State. But the potpourri of coalition politics in the State and the abundance of political forces representing a multitude of Hindu communities have made any advance on the political plane an uphill task. Yet, there are repeated warnings from secular observers that the Sangh Parivar has put to effective use its all-India strategy of gaining acceptance in the State through persistent socio-cultural interventions a thoroughly rewarding platform that has been left vacant by secular political formations, including the Left and the Congress(I).

Over the past decade, there has been a proliferation of such activities by the Sangh Parivar, beginning with the hijacking of the conduct of temple festivals and the starting of `catch them young schools' all over the State, to the import of purely north Indian religious practices such as Rakshabandan and customs associated with Hindu festivals such as Janmashtami, Ram Navami and Vinayaka Chathurthi. The State has also seen exaggerated efforts to revive religious observances during the `Ramayana Month' and create new ones such as the `Bhagavatha Month' on similar lines, and form `temple renovation committees', `pilgrim protection committees' and so on. The RSS constellation has also created an umbrella of security and managerial cover in institutions run by Hindu religious personalities such as Amritanandamayi, who has attracted a huge, dedicated, missionary following over a short period of time, and the Chenkottukonam Swami, whose religious activities often bordered on the political. Clearly, such attempts were aimed at mobilising public support that has been elusive, on a fairly less competitive socio-cultural platform left idle by secular political organisations.

The Hindu communal propaganda has been effective to the extent that it has invited competitive communalism and fundamentalism from other communities and has vitiated the secular atmosphere. Funds from abroad are available easily to many communal organisations. Religious revivalism is evident in the number of temples, mosques, churches, seminaries, meditation centres and madrassas that have mushroomed in Kerala over the past few decades and the renovation of religious sites, with the aid of generous funds sourced from Malayalees living overseas. Religious publications and institutions imparting religious teachings have proliferated. A major effort is on to propagate Sanskrit or Arabic as desirable languages for the religious-minded.

Moreover, mainstream Malayalam media give ample coverage to activities and propaganda that serve various communal interests. Religiosity has taken over public space, and public expression of one's faith has become the fashion. Thus, a basis for a transformation to communalism has been created, although subtly, and the Sangh Parivar seems to be hoping that in the long run, such efforts could ease its passage on to the political arena. The influence of communal groups in the religious sphere has become pronounced in Kerala over the past decade. And the result has been an increase of incidents ignited by communal passions.

A strategy that the Sangh Parivar has pursued ruthlessly all over India to smoothen its way forward is an offensive against everybody who challenges its dream of a Hindu Rashtra, notably, secular intellectuals. This tactic has become pronounced in Kerala only in the past one year. Defamatory letters and articles about well known intellectuals and their writings and speeches have become a regular feature in the saffron brigade's limited-circulation publications. Hate mail and abusive calls are on the rise, as some of them told Frontline. As the vilification of Kamala Surayya, Zacharia and Panikkar demonstrates, personalised attacks are increasing.

The result is that on the one hand Kerala is slowly witnessing the withdrawal of the independent intelligentsia from secular discussions. In place of the liberal, Marxist, left radical discourse, which was the norm, and the cultured discussions at the socio-political and ideological levels, communal discourse is gaining acceptance. Quite a few secular intellectuals have either fallen silent or are being won over by the saffron brigade. Some of them have refused to respond to the disparaging of fellow writers; some others, who have opted to remain silent on the activities of communal, fundamentalist forces, recently issued a statement protesting against the inclusion of the RSS in the list of "terrorist organisations" that Chief Minister A.K. Antony tabled in the Assembly.

The grand design is to make those who raise their voices against communalism unacceptable to society. The disturbing communal content in Pranavam is therefore not an aberrant, accidental phenomenon. It is as much a warning as it is a manifestation of the pernicious religious communalism that is gnawing at the secular fabric of Kerala.