Democracy at gunpoint

The latest round of Assembly elections in Manipur illustrates the subversion of the democratic process by militant outfits. It is turf war in no-man's land.

AS in the case of previous elections, the February elections did little to transform the macabre structure of power in Manipur. The intertwined workings of corrupt power politics and an increasingly convoluted insurgency have ensured that fear, deep-rooted and almost uncontrollable, continues to be the most palpable feeling in the State.

For the past decade or so, elections in Manipur have followed a pattern. Even as political parties gear up for campaigning, the 35-odd underground militant outfits operating in the State get ready for the kill. The underground organisations contact candidates cutting across party lines, extort money from them using threats and extend protection to them. Director-General of Police A.A. Siddiqui admits that pre-election extortion is nothing new to the State and that it had occurred frequently in the past. He said: "Candidates from different political parties routinely come under pressure from underground outfits on election eve and demands are made on their resources. In past elections, politicians have channelled funds to the underground and the government is inquiring into this. These have been perceived as having followed extortion demands that came to them personally."

Informed sources in the government say that the pattern of underground extortion in the latest round of elections showed two distinct trends. First, the underground chose to target national political parties, including the Congress(I) and the Bharatiya Janata Party. The extremists sent letters to the State unit presidents or leading functionaries who controlled finances, demanding Rs.20 lakhs to Rs.50 lakhs. For instance, on February 13, 2002, underground groups forced at gunpoint Congress campaign committee chairperson T. Gunadhaja and convener Vidyapati Senjam to resign. In another case, activists of the Kanglei Yawol KunnaLup (KYKL-O), a militant organisation, locked up the Congress(I) office in Imphal for not having paid the sum demanded by it. The People's Liberation Army (PLA) forced BJP leader and former Chief Minister R.K. Dorendra Singh to cough up the sum it demanded. Sources in the government say that the BJP is under intense pressure and that insurgents have tried to lock up its office for not paying the money they had demanded.

Secondly, demand letters were issued to individual candidates. The rates varied from candidate to candidate - about Rs.20 lakhs for former Chief Ministers, up to Rs.10 lakhs for former Deputy Chief Ministers, up to Rs.5 lakhs for former Ministers and Rs.1 lakh for those contesting for the first time. A recurring theme of the letters was the candidate's "corrupt past". Many of those who contested in Manipur are known to possess considerable personal wealth, made from trade and government contracts. The letters also promised them "protection".

Informed sources in the Manipur police said that over 153 candidates were given official security after they received threats from the underground. Said a source before the elections: "Many more candidates had applied for security but we are verifying whether they are indeed serious about contesting, because given the lack of (adequate) security forces, we are unable to provide security to all." In perhaps the most visible instance of the threat posed by militants to individual candidates, on February 7, underground elements fired at Federal Party of Manipur (FPM) candidate I. Hemochandra Singh's house at Singjamei in Imphal and at M. Oken's house in Thoubal district of the Imphal valley. Earlier, the residences of former Chief Ministers Radhabinod Koijam and W. Nipamacha and Lok Sabha member Th. Chaoba Singh were targeted. These incidents occurred late in the evening and at night. Dorendra Singh said: "There is a very potent threat to all possible candidates and all political parties. This is nothing new in Manipur elections."

Even as Dorendra Singh stoically shrugged off the threats, younger candidates were not so confident. Azang Khongsai, who contested from Saikul constituency in Churachandpur district, said in the course of his campaign: "I have received a threat from a prominent underground outfit, which has issued a note demanding Rs.3-4 lakhs. I am unable to travel freely in my constituency even when I am accompanied by party workers."

While candidates in other parts of the country were barnstorming in their constituencies, those in Manipur sat in their houses, faced as they were with demand notes and night-time gunfires. "My campaigning has got seriously affected and, owing to militant threat and lack of security arrangements, I am confined to my house," said Khongsai, as polling day approached.

Insufficient security arrangements made the situation worse. Imphal-based government officials said that the Centre provided only about 20 companies of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and 10 companies of the Border Security Force (BSF). This fell far short of the need. Consequently, large areas in the hill districts and the valley were left to the mercy of the underground outfits. A peculiar arrangement was in place in other areas: unarmed policemen were posted at polling stations to ensure that weapons did not fall into the hands of militants.

No wonder then that the public mood on election eve was marked by a strong sense of unease. When polling began, the streets of Manipur wore a deserted look as if a curfew was in force. Predictably enough, booth-capturing and violence occurred on an epidemic scale across the valley and in the hill districts.

A senior State government official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said: "In Manipur, elections are part of power politics at its convoluted best, with each tribe and community in the Imphal valley and surrounding hill districts protecting its own candidates and interests by raising a private army." This explains the pre-election violence in the Imphal valley.

The most active insurgent group this time was the KYKL-O, which had a tacit understanding with the hill-based National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isaac-Muivah). It ensured aggressively that its writ ran in the valley. It extorted money and backed several candidates in the rural areas. The PLA, the United Liberation Front of Manipur (UNLF) and the People's Revolutionary Army of Kangleipak (PREPAK), all valley-based outfits with a base among the Meiteis, were also active. According to informed sources, the KYKL-O alone had aimed to make between Rs.2 crores and Rs.3 crores during the elections.

Perhaps the classic example of extremist interference in elections came from the hill districts. Compared to the mayhem in these Naga- and Kuki-dominated districts, the situation in the valley was better. The NSCN(I-M) changed its policy of non-interference and entered the fray. This was a direct result of the ceasefire-related chaos of last June. The NSCN (I-M) followed a policy of supporting openly candidates who backed the "Naga cause", that is, the extension of the ceasefire into Manipur, and opposing those who were against such an extension. It applied this policy more rigorously in the hill districts than in the plains. The NSCN(I-M)'s hand became visible when all Naga persons (about 50) contesting from the hill districts, irrespective of their party affiliations, were invited, through the Senapati-based United Naga Council, to a meeting and forced at gunpoint to sign a declaration of support for the "Naga cause". After the meeting, the NSCN(I-M) gave protection to these candidates. Many candidates from Chandel and Senapati districts were forced to retire from the contest for not supporting the "Naga cause". Among the valley-based Naga politicians who contested the elections despite NSCN(I-M) threats were former Chief Minister Rishang Keishing of the Congress(I) and Prof. Gangumei Kamei of the FPM.

The situation in districts with a mixed population of Nagas, Kukis and other tribes - Chandel, Southern Senapati and Churachandpur districts - was even more complex. A candidate from a tribe was backed by militant outfits with a base in that particular tribe. For instance, the Kuki National Army (KNA) and the Kuki National Front (KNF) used guns not only to campaign for Kuki candidates but also to settle scores with other tribes. Azang Khongsai was one of the affected candidates. He and his supporters were beaten up by people belonging to the rival group and their extremist supporters on February 5.

POLITICS in Manipur, then, has less to do with ideology and agenda than with wars between private armies. It is turf war in a vast no man's land. In the hills, virtually each tribe has an underground outfit that offers protection to its politicians and extorts money from them. The nexus between politicians and extremists is no longer a secret. According to government sources, at least five former Ministers have had close links with insurgent outfits such as the NSCN (Khaplang), the PLA, the UNLF, the KYKL-O and the Zomi Revolutionary Army. Reports indicate that this collaboration takes various forms - ranging from just meeting the monetary demands of terrorist organisations to harbouring the operatives. On November 28, 2000, during a police raid two terrorists were found at the residence of a former Minister. One Minister reportedly attended the funeral of a terrorist.

Insurgents' influence has affected the administrative machinery. Many officials allegedly paid the going price for peace in Manipur. Some government departments allegedly negotiated with the outfits and paid a fixed percentage of their revenue to them on a monthly basis. Insurgent groups have begun to influence the grant of government contracts and development projects and the clearing of bills. They reportedly have unhindered access to government files and offices. These outfits allegedly offload rice, sugar, wheat and other essential commodities from public distribution system outlets and distribute these at reduced prices in the areas of their operation in order to strengthen their social base. Some non-governmental organisations (NGOs) based in Manipur allegedly siphon off funds to the insurgents.

Although the Union government seems to be concerned over the situation in Manipur, it appears that no one has a clear idea about how to deal with it. Fresh elections and attempts to revive democracy in the State will be meaningless without putting an end to the resurgent militancy and the extortion. This will be the biggest challenge before the government in Manipur.