Feeding on popular despair

Published : Jun 23, 2001 00:00 IST

Political instability and lack of governmental attention create in Nepal a climate conducive to the growth of Maoist insurgency.

WITH the kingdom of Nepal slipping into chaos in the wake of the royal massacre, the pro-Chinese ultra-Left Marxist Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is preparing to take full advantage of the volatile mood of a nation in anguish. Even as the country was in deep mourning, the party called for an end to monarchy and the formation of an interim government. Janadesh, a Maoist mouthpiece, reported that the polit bureau of the organisation, presided over by its supreme leader Prachanda, passed a resolution announcing the end of monarchy, as constitutionally and morally the new monarch had no stature to occupy the high office.

Describing the massacre as the handiwork of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States "with help from Indian spies and other outsiders", the Maoists alleged that it was part of the U.S. agenda to corner China. American imperialists and Indian colonialists, in collusion with the Palace, had conspired to eliminate King Birendra who was an "obstacle" in their path, the resolution said.

Issuing a virtual call for a revolt, the insurgents, who wield influence in several districts of Nepal, called upon the Royal Nepal Army to join hands with patriotic, democratic and Leftist forces to form an interim government.

Since the introduction of multi-party democracy in 1990 replacing the Palace-controlled partyless panchayat raj that was established in 1980, Nepal has witnessed political instability. The fledgling democracy is still fragile. The present, faction-ridden Nepali Congress government led by G.P. Koirala is on unstable ground. Nepal's experience with a Left government in 1994, under the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), the largest Left formation, was not a particularly happy one either.

The CPN(UML) had the distinction of being the world's first communist party to form a national government, that too under a King, albeit for nine months. In fact the communists, under the Samjukta Vam Morcha, a front of seven Left factions, ran an interim government along with the Nepali Congress in 1990 to frame the present democratic Constitution.

Issues such as poverty, deprivation, bad governance, corruption in high places and political instability helped the communists emerge as a formidable force. But when they came to power, they failed to fulfil the people's expectations. The leftists have wasted their energies in ideological factionalism instead of consolidating their reach among the masses.

The stark failure of mainline democratic forces since the establishment of full-fledged democracy has helped the Maoists emerge as a recognisable force and prepare the path for an upheaval of the current political and social system. Never before since its inception in 1960 has the Maoist group exuded such confidence to make what Prachanda calls a "great leap forward".

The Maoist group, the product of several splits in the Communist Party of Nepal, the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) and the CPN (UML), has, since it launched a fierce people's war in February 1996 to establish a one-party Communist Republic in Nepal, seen its ranks swell steadily. The Maoists have changed strategies, working both overground and underground, and sometimes infiltrating into the ranks of the Nepali Congress and the CPN(UML). The socio-politico-economic conflicts in Nepal, have helped the group stablise and push its movement. Today the organisation controls almost 20 of the 75 districts, mostly in the impoverished mountainous region of western Nepal. In these districts, it has set up a parallel administration, collecting tax, distributing land and even policing the area.

The Maoist group, with ties with the People's War Group (PWG) and the Maoist Coordination Centre (MCC) in India, has managed to rope in a large number of ethnic clans such as Magars and Gurungs. Diplomatic sources have confirmed the nexus between the Nepali and Indian Maoist groups. The rebels are reported to receive training in the use of weapons at MCC camps in India.

They displayed their strike power in a big way in April, killing 70 policemen in a series of ambushes in Dolpa district. According to one estimate, since 1996, when the Maoists came centrestage in extremist politics, some 1,700 people, mostly policemen, have been killed in violence. The party has now extended its operations to the eastern districts, up to the international border along West Bengal. Adopting Mao Zedong's strategy of "encircling towns with villages", it has made inroads into villages around the Kathmandu valley. After police personnel began deserting outposts in Maoist-dominated areas, the government raised an armed police force through an ordinance to counter the onslaught. Government employees have exhibited reluctance to serve in remote areas.

The rise of the Maoists can be attributed to the abysmal level of poverty in the Himalayan kingdom. Sandwiched between China and India, landlocked Nepal with a population of 22 million is largely dependent on agriculture, where the productivity is miserably low. In the absence of dependable industrial infrastructure, the pace of development is tardy. The country's per capita income has hovered around $200. Adding to its woes, corruption, inefficiency and lawlessness have become the hallmarks of successive governments. As government after government has failed to improve the living standards of the poor, Nepalis have become disillusioned and restive. Large sections of the people have begun to look for alternatives, and the choice could easily fall on the Maoists or the mainstream communists.

Although the Maoist rebellion peaked in 1996, its origin can be traced to 1960 when King Mahendra seized absolute power and banned all political parties. One faction followed the path of parliamentary politics through a democratic movement, while another took the course of revolutionary politics. The Maoist group rose from the latter faction. Many of its cadres went to economically backward areas as teachers in a calculated move to influence students and youth.

The CPN(UML) has since April 15 taken control of the streets in Kathmandu and other major towns to press for the resignation of Koirala on the grounds of corruption. The Maoists want an end to royal privileges while the CPN(UML) is in favour of constitutional monarchy.

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